Wednesday, May 23, 2007

Rep. Ron Paul's speech about the REAL erosion of freedoms.

Lets go Rudy, I'll take on you and your Mommy!!





In Private Sector, Giuliani Parlayed Fame Into Wealth
Candidate's Firm Has Taken On Controversial Executives, Clients

By John Solomon and Matthew Mosk
Washington Post Staff Writers
Sunday, May 13, 2007; Page A01

On Dec. 7, 2001, nearly three months after the terrorist attack that had made him a national hero and a little over three weeks before he would leave office, New York Mayor Rudolph W. Giuliani took the first official step toward making himself rich.

The letter he dispatched to the city Conflicts of Interest Board that day asked permission to begin forming a consulting firm with three members of his outgoing administration. The company, Giuliani said, would provide "management consulting service to governments and business" and would seek out partners for a "wide-range of possible business, management and financial services" projects.

Over the next five years, Giuliani Partners earned more than $100 million, according to a knowledgeable source, who spoke on the condition of anonymity because the firm's financial information is private. And that success helped transform the Republican considered the front-runner for his party's 2008 presidential nomination from a moderately well-off public servant into a globe-trotting consultant whose net worth is estimated to be in the tens of millions of dollars.

In crafting its image, the firm took care to burnish its most valuable asset: the worldwide reputation Giuliani had earned for his composure and leadership in the days after the terrorist attack on the World Trade Center. "No client is ever approved or worked on without a full discussion with Rudy," said the firm's senior managing partner, Michael D. Hess, former corporation counsel for the city of New York.

Not surprisingly, a firm that markets Giuliani and is run by Giuliani has taken on the characteristics of the politician, who even by New York standards was known for his self-confidence and sometimes defiant insistence on doing things his way.

Famously loyal, Giuliani chose as his partners longtime associates, including a former police commissioner later convicted of corruption, a former FBI executive who admitted taking artifacts from Ground Zero and a former Roman Catholic priest accused of covering up sexual abuse in the church.

Giuliani, grounded in the intricately connected world of New York politics, has been more than adept at making the system work for his clients. They have included a pharmaceutical company that, with Giuliani's help, resolved a lengthy Drug Enforcement Administration investigation with only a fine; a confessed drug smuggler who hired Giuliani to ensure his security company could do business with the federal government; and the horse racing industry, eager to recover public confidence after a betting scandal.

Clients of Giuliani Partners are required to sign confidentiality agreements, so they do not comment about the work they receive or how much they are paying for it. Though now running for president, Giuliani refuses to identify his clients, disclose his compensation or reveal any details about Giuliani Partners. He also declined to be interviewed about the firm.

Because of this secrecy -- a request to visit his wood-paneled offices overlooking Times Square was turned down -- a complete picture of the firm and its business is difficult to obtain. This report is based on a review of corporate, government and court records, along with scores of interviews with clients and government officials who have interacted with Giuliani Partners.

Hess, the one official authorized to speak for the firm, said Giuliani Partners does not want its clients to exploit Giuliani's name and does not engage in lobbying. He said the company carefully chooses whom it hires and represents.

"We're cautious in the right sense of that term, in terms of who we work for. We always want to make sure it is a company that is doing the right thing, that we're proud to represent," he said.

For many clients, hiring Giuliani delivered the political equivalent of a Good Housekeeping seal. Start-up companies or clients enmeshed in controversy gained instant credibility as well as the potential to access a vast Rolodex of contacts Giuliani and his partners have amassed over the years.

CONTINUED 1 2 3 4 Next >

Monday, May 21, 2007

Who does the law protect?

Paperwork Reduction Act (44 U.S.C. 3501 et seq.)

§ 3501 Purpose
§ 3502 Definitions
§ 3503 Office of Information and Regulatory Affairs
§ 3504 Authority and functions of Director
§ 3505 Assignment of tasks and deadlines
§ 3506 Federal agency responsibilities
§ 3507 Public information collection activities - submission to Director; approval and delegation
§ 3508 Determination of necessity for information; hearing
§ 3509 Designation of central collection agency
§ 3510 Cooperation of agencies in making information available
§ 3511 Establishment and operation of Federal Information Locator System
§ 3512 Public protection
§ 3513 Director review of agency activities; reporting; agency response
§ 3514 Responsiveness to Congress
§ 3515 Administrative powers
§ 3516 Rules and regulations
§ 3517 Consultation with other agencies and the public
§ 3518 Effect on existing laws and regulations
§ 3519 Access to information
§ 3520 Authorization of appropriations

The U.S. National Archives and Records Administration
8601 Adelphi Road, College Park, MD 20740-6001
Telephone: 1-86-NARA-NARA or 1-866-272-6272

Saturday, May 19, 2007

"nonviolent revolution of magnificent proportions, reversing the sad trends of the twentieth century."


Ron Paul on the Importance of America's Jury System

by Michael Nystrom

Editor,
Bull! Not bull
Daily Paul
May 17, 2007

I've been called for jury duty, and have to report to the courthouse in Boston on Friday (May 18). This will be the third time that I've been called – the first two times were in Seattle, where I ended up sitting on one jury that convicted a man of murder. I was left uncomfortably dissatisfied with that experience, and only recently have come to understand why.

Ten years ago in Seattle, jury duty paid $10 per day. No wonder the only people serving were retired people and the unemployed. Many employers (surprise) don’t pay wages while an employee is performing his "civic obligation," and in times like these, losing several days’ (or weeks’) pay is simply not an option for America’s working class.

Jury Duty

Since I've been called again, I’d like to take this opportunity to remind myself (and anyone else who is reading) of the importance of the jury trial system and what its original intent was, via the words of Dr. Ron Paul. Dr. Paul is currently competing for the Republican nomination for President. If you don’t know who he is, please take six minutes of your time to watch this interview with Wolf Blitzer which aired on CNN following the Fox Republican debate. You’ll get a get a good flavor of who Dr. Paul is, what he stands for, and why I support him. By today's standards, he is not a politician in any sense of the word, but rather, a statesman: a throwback to the days of honesty, honor, integrity, justice, fairness and respect. If such days never existed, then such qualities certainly exist in individuals, and Ron Paul is one such man. He is, in my opinion, our last best chance to restore the principles upon which our nation was founded.

I have known of Dr. Paul for several years due to his dogged antagonism of the Federal Reserve System and Chairman Greenspan. I first blogged about him back in 2002, and when I heard he was running for President, I immediately set up a website – the DailyPaul.com - to support his bid. I've watched the site traffic grow steadily from an average of 10 visits per day (most of them me, checking to see if anyone had found the site!) to one hundred times that, and it is still growing fast. Dr. Paul’s eldest grandson, Matt Pyeatt was one of the first to find the site and now blogs there regularly with news and insights that only a grandson can have.


A few months ago, Dr. Paul sent me an autographed copy of his 1988 book, Freedom Under Siege, and granted me permission to digitize it and put it onto the web. This involved painstakingly scanning each page with optical character recognition (OCR) software, editing the text for typos, reformatting the plain text and saving it out into .pdf documents for the web. You can find the whole book here, organized by chapter.

One of the benefits of the painstaking work I did was that I got to read Dr. Paul's book very carefully as I proofread the text. In doing so, it became clear to me (among other things) why my experience with jury duty was so unsatisfactory. It was so bureaucratic. The jury (like most of the rest of America today) bears little resemblance to what our Founding Fathers had originally envisioned. Since Ron Paul has thought deeply on this subject, I would like to let him explain it. The following is excerpted from Chapter 1 of Freedom Under Siege, pp 23-27 (emphasis added by me).

* * * * * * * * * * * * * Begin Excerpt * * * * * * * * * * * * *

Trial by jury – The Ultimate Protection
Ron Paul (1988) Freedom Under Siege, pp 23-27

According to Lysander Spooner, a mid-nineteenth-century writer, there are five separate tribunals protecting us from abusive government laws: The House of Representatives, the Senate, the Executive, the Courts, and the Common-Law Jury. He maintains that all are important but that the ultimate protection of our liberty must be placed in the hands of our peers. His "Essay on the Trial by Jury" (1852) deserves close study by all twentieth-century students concerned about the future of freedom in America.

The concept of protecting individual rights from the heavy hand of government through the common-law jury is as old as the Magna Carta (1215 A.D.). The Founding Fathers were keenly aware of this principle and incorporated it into our Constitution.
John Jay, the first Chief justice of the Supreme Court, agreed with this principle. In his first jury trial in 1794 (Georgia vs. Brailsford) he stated: "You had nevertheless a right to take upon yourselves to judge of both, and to determine the law as well as the fact controversy." Jefferson was in agreement as well: "To consider judges as the ultimate arbiters of all constitutional questions is a very dangerous doctrine indeed and one which would place us under the despotism of an oligarchy. "

The twentieth century, however, has witnessed a serious erosion of this principle. Since 1895 (Sparf vs. United States), the right of the jury to rule on the justice and constitutionality of the law, as well as the facts in the case, was seriously undermined. Also the lack of concern and understanding for individual rights has affected jurors, just as it has representatives, senators, judges, and presidents. Jurors in recent times have been just as guilty of ignoring the principle of equal rights as have our representatives in our legislatures, judiciary, and executive bodies of government. These two factors have greatly diminished the value of the jury in the twentieth century.

Those frustrated with changes in the Congress, the executive, and the judiciary -- and there is certainly good reason for frustration -- must consider educating potential jurors as to the importance of the common law jury and the principles of individual liberty.

An awakened citizenry, participating in juries around the country, could bring about a nonviolent revolution of magnificent proportions, reversing the sad trends of the twentieth century. The jury today is a weak institution, as are all the other institutions designed to guarantee individual liberty. The right effort could revitalize the jury and restore it to its rightful place in curtailing the endless growth of an all-powerful state.

Several legal events needed to occur in order for big government to thrive. The de-emphasis of the jury was crucial in the expansive powers of the omnipresent state. Judging the moral intent and the constitutionality of the law is no longer even a consideration of the jury. Today the judge instructs the jury to consider only the facts of the case, and then the becomes the soul arbiter of evidence admissible in court. The jury today has become progressively weaker over the past ninety years.

In addition, judges write into their rulings grand designs for society. Judiciary bodies have become legislative bodies.

A major part of the judicial system has been removed from the people placing it in administrative branches of government. The agencies of government have usurped power unimagined by the authors of the Constitution. Administrative justice is a great bureaucracy, independent of the legal judiciary.

Regulations are written yearly by the thousands of pages, read by few, and understood by no one. This is done intentionally to keep the peasants humble and to harass the people. It is used as a political tool for selective prosecution. Regulations can favor certain industries while destroying others, providing great accumulation of wealth for the beneficiaries.
. . .

Spooner argues eloquently for the right of the jury to pass final judgment on all laws, the moral intent of the law, the constitutionality of the law, the facts of the case, and the moral intent of the accused. Spooner's argument for allowing such responsibility to rest with the accused peers is that delegating responsibility only to the representatives in Washington was fraught with danger. He was convinced that all government officials were untrustworthy and susceptible to bribery and that removal of our representatives in the next election was not sufficient to protect the people from unwise and meddling legislation.

. . . Spooner begins his essay on trial by jury by clearly stating the importance of the jury's responsibility to judge the law as well as the facts in the case before them:

For more than six-hundred years, that is, since the Magna Carta, in 1215, there has been no clearer principle of English or American constitutional law, than that, in criminal cases. It is not only the right and duty of juries to judge what are the facts, what is the law, and what was the moral intent of the accused; but it is also their right and their primary and paramount duty to judge the justice of the law and to hold all laws invalid, that are in their opinion, unjust or oppressive, and all persons guiltless in violating or resisting the execution of such laws.

Spooner was highly critical of the phrase "according to the evidence" in the oath of jurors, claiming it violated the classical common law. He states:

If the government can dictate the evidence, and require the jury to decide according to that evidence, it necessarily dictates the conclusion to which they must arrive. In that case the trial is really a trial by the government, not by the jury. The jury cannot try an issue unless they determine what evidence shall be admitted. The ancient oath, it will be observed, says nothing about 'according to the evidence.'

If a law is assumed to be correct constitutionally and morally merely because it's a law written by our chosen representative, the government can give itself dictatorial powers. And that's exactly what has happened with the massive powers delegated to the President under the Emergency Powers Act -- power sitting there to be grabbed and used at the hint of a crisis.

Spooner saw the jury as the last guard against such usurpation of the people's rights. Sadly, that protection is just about gone. It is up to us to restore the principle of trial by jury to its rightful place of importance.

* * * * * * * * * * * * * End Excerpt * * * * * * * * * * * * *

Ron Paul’s explanation above illuminates – ten years later - why I was so dissatisfied my previous jury-duty experience. I was simply a cog in a larger machine, a warm body filling the jury box for the sake of appearance. At the time, I knew nothing of the concept of jury nullification, nor of my role as originally intended by the Founders. The judge told us what evidence to consider and how it should be considered - and that is what we the jury did in convicting a man of murder.

But to quote Spooner again, because this point cannot be emphasized enough, “If the government can dictate the evidence, and require the jury to decide according to that evidence, it necessarily dictates the conclusion to which they must arrive.” At times during the case, the attorneys would go huddle with the judge to whisper. What were they whispering about? I'll never know. Apparently it was important, but not important enough for the jury to be made aware of.

Tomorrow when I head into jury duty, I will be 10 years older, and thanks my readings of Dr. Paul and others, somewhat wiser. Like many people in this country, I know that something has gone terribly wrong, and I am beginning to understand that the only way to right it is the same way the Founders did - through direct action. No one else is going to save us - certainly not this government.

Tomorrow I will report for my civic obligation with Dr. Paul’s word fresh in my mind: “An awakened citizenry, participating in juries around the country, could bring about a nonviolent revolution of magnificent proportions, reversing the sad trends of the twentieth century.”

Following the example set by Dr. Ron Paul himself, I will do what I can and hope that others will join me.

For those interested, I will report back on my jury experience in Massachusetts, America’s Seat of Liberty, after it ends. If you would like to be notified, please sign up to my low volume - no spam - email list.

Please post any comments and discussion to my bulletin board.




Freedom Under Siege

I have begun scanning Ron Paul's 1988 book Freedom Under Siege into electronic format. It is a little labor intensive - I'm scanning the pages using OCR software, saving them as Word documents, proofing them, then reexporting them as .pdf files. The alternative was to scan each page directly as a .pdf, but that resulted in files that were just too large. This being the case, it may be a little slow going. So rather than wait until the entire book is done, I've decided to put each of the chapters up as I complete them.

Today I am proud to present the Cover, and the Foreword by Lew Rockwell, and the Introduction by Ron Paul:

Freedom Under Siege, Cover, Foreword

Freedom Under Siege, Introduction

Freedom Under Siege, Chapter One - Individual Rights

Freedom Under Siege, Chapter Two - Foreign Policy

Freedom Under Siege, Chapter Three - The Draft or Freedom

Freedom Under Siege, Chapter Four - Sound Money is Gold

Summary - Have We Lost Respect?

Thank you, Ron Paul for writing these words and keeping the flame of liberty alive.

Michael Nystrom

Tuesday, May 15, 2007

CAN GIULIANI RUN FOR PRESIDENT AFTER BEING "KNIGHTED" BY THE QUEEN?



CAN GIULIANI RUN FOR PRESIDENT AFTER BEING "KNIGHTED" BY THE QUEEN?

Article I § 9 No Title of Nobility shall be granted by the United States: And no Person holding any Office of Profit or Trust under them, shall, without the Consent of the Congress, accept of any present, Emolument, Office, or Title, of any kind whatever, from any King, Prince, or foreign State.

The Original Thirteenth Article of Amendment
To The Constitution For The United States


"If any citizen of the United States shall accept, claim, receive, or retain any title of nobility or honour, or shall without the consent of Congress, accept and retain any present, pension, office, or emolument of any kind whatever, from any emperor, king, prince, or foreign power, such person shall cease to be a citizen of the United States, and shall be incapable of holding any office of trust or profit under them, or either of them." [Journal of the Senate]

GIULIANI LINKED TO "NAFTA SUPERHIGHWAY"

By Cliff Kincaid
May 15, 2007
NewsWithViews.com

Brit Hume said on the Fox News Sunday program that it is possible that Republican frontrunner Rudy Giuliani could overcome his convoluted posturing on abortion and secure the Republican presidential nomination in 2008. But Giuliani has some other major problems. These include foreign clients, one of whom is constructing part of the “NAFTA Superhighway” project that has people in Texas and around the nation up in arms.

Evidence shows that NAFTA, the North American Free Trade Agreement involving the U.S., Canada and Mexico, is being expanded without congressional approval or oversight as part of a plan to create an economic and political entity known as the North American Union (NAU). Federal documents uncovered by Judicial Watch quote participants in the scheme as saying that an “evolution by stealth” strategy is being used to put the pieces into place. Documents also speak of developing a common security perimeter and a common identification card for citizens of the three countries....... Click here for more.

by Cliff Kincaid

Giuliani Claims WTC Building 7 Fell "In Stages"



Giuliani Caught In Bizarre Building 7 Lie
Claims WTC 7 collapsed in stages, Kerry Building 7 admission explodes on You Tube popularity charts

Prison Planet | April 24, 2007
Paul Joseph Watson

Rudy Giuliani has been caught in a bizarre lie about WTC 7, in which he claims the building collapsed in stages over a sustained period of time, when in reality the structure fell in under seven seconds. Giuliani also reveals that he expected the twin towers to collapse but "not in the way they did."

Click here for more. See how the Queen rewards a great lier by clicking here.

Monday, May 14, 2007

Who's Power is it?

Presumption of Nonauthority and Unenumerated Rights

by Jon Roland*


The Ninth Amendment was authored originally by James Madison, as part of his commitment to seek amendments to the newly adopted Constitution that would define a “bill of rights”. They began as suggested amendments from each of the state ratifying conventions. Some of those found their way into the somewhat more explicit articles 3 through 10, which, because the first two were not ratified at the time, became the first eight amendments. But it should not be concluded that the suggested amendments that did not get adopted in something like their original form were rejected. Rather, it seems clear, Madison intended to consolidate them in what became the Ninth and Tenth Amendments. Let us examine the final wording adopted:


Article the eleventh [Amendment IX]

The enumeration in the Constitution, of certain rights, shall not be construed to deny or disparage others retained by the people.

Article the twelfth [Amendment X]

The powers not delegated to the United States by the Constitution, nor prohibited by it to the States, are reserved to the States respectively, or to the people.

Madison’s original proposed formulation of what became the Ninth and Tenth Amendments is:

The exceptions here or elsewhere in the constitution, made in favor of particular rights, shall not be construed as to diminish the just importance of other rights retained by the people, or as to enlarge the powers delegated by the constitution; but either as actual limitations of such powers, or as inserted merely for greater caution.1

What did Madison mean by “other rights”, which are sometimes called, and disparaged, as the “unenumerated rights”? Disparaged by some, because it is not obvious from the text of the Constitution what those rights might be, or where they could be found, if not in the text.2 This article will seek to discover what those rights are, and argue that there are indeed clues in the text of the unamended Constitution, and in the other amendments, proposed and adopted, in state constitutions, as well as in the historical evidence leading to the ratification.3

One of the clues is found in the fact that some “rights” are expressed as declarations, and some as restrictions on delegated powers. From this we can discern that in the Constitution and its amendments, public action is partitioned into delegated powers of government and rights against the positive acts of government. Constitutional rights are rights against public action by public officials. Therefore, we might more precisely call them “immunities”, as they are called in the 14th Amendment. Immunities are the complement of delegated powers: Every delegated power is a restriction on immunities, and every immunity is a restriction on delegated powers. Thus, a constitutional right, or immunity, can be expressed either as a declaration, or as a restriction on a power. The two modes of expression represent different ways of expressing the same concept.4

So why, if this is so, do we need both the Ninth and Tenth Amendments?5 The answer lies in the inherent ambiguity of the language available in which to express both rights and delegated powers. It is easy to construe written delegations of power more broadly than was intended by the framers of that language, and a right, expressed as either a declaration or a restriction on delegated power, may provide a convenient way to clarify the boundaries, from the opposite side. Legal language is not just denotative, with a semantic mapping to objects or concepts, but also evocative, reminding the reader of a complex web of ideas associated with historic events and the usage of the term, so that he may sometimes be more likely to clearly understand what is meant if the language is expressed in the terms of “rights”, than if expressed in the terms of powers, delegated or nondelegated.

From the amendments proposed by the ratifying conventions, and rights recognized in state constitutions, we can identify the following as some of what most people of the period would have recognized as among the “unenumerated rights”:6




Right

Source

1

Writs in the name of the People. Rights to the prerogative writs such as quo warranto, habeas corpus, mandamus, prohibito, procedendo, and certiorari, which any person has the right to prosecute on behalf of anyone else.7

New York Proposed Amendments8

2

Habeas Corpus. Right of the petitioner, the person held, and the respondent.

Virginia Convention Bill of Rights9; New York Ratification Declaration10; North Carolina Declaration of Rights11

3

Correction of Errors. Writ of certiorari.

New York Proposed Amendments12

4

Appeals & Error. Writ of certiorari.

New York Ratification Declaration13

5

Suspending Habeas Corpus. Clarifying and restricting conditions for suspension.

New York Proposed Amendments14

6

Right to Remedy. Not just right to petition, but to have demurrer, oyer and terminer.

Virginia Convention Bill of Rights15; North Carolina Declaration of Rights16

7

Natural Rights. Reference to rights recognized in common law and equity, and by the political philosophers.

Virginia Convention Bill of Rights17; North Carolina Declaration of Rights18

8

Challenging Jury. Right to strike biased jurors in voir dire.

Virginia Convention Proposed Amendments19; North Carolina Proposed Amendments20

9

No Titles of Nobility. Not only not grant special powers , privileges, or protections to the disadvantage of others, but prohibit them to citizens from any source.

Massachusetts Convention Proposed Amendments21; New Hampshire Convention; New York Proposed Amendments22

10

Ex Post Facto Laws. Clarification and expansion of prohibitions in Art. I, Sec. 9 (and 10).

New York Ratification Declaration23

11

Publish Journals. Right to recordation of public acts and disclosure of records. (Don’t just leave it to private publishers.)

Virginia Convention Proposed Amendments24; North Carolina Proposed Amendments25

12

Publish Accounts. Right to complete and accurate reports of revenues and expenditures.

Virginia Convention Proposed Amendments26; New York Proposed Amendments27; North Carolina Proposed Amendments28.

13

Emigrate. Right to leave (and return).

Pennsylvania Constitution of 1776.29



The above is only a partial list, and a more complete list can be found in examining the other proposed amendments and bills of rights of the states ratifying conventions, which are the ultimate authority for what the provisions of the U.S. Constitution meant when it was ratified, and the constitutions of the states at that time.

It is the thesis of this article that all of the rights recognized in the declarations of rights or proposed amendments of the state ratifying conventions, and in the state constitutions, can be presumed to have been generally recognized as rights throughout the thirteen states, and any that were not explicitly made one of the other amendments to the U.S. Constitution must be considered as being included in the unenumerated rights of the Ninth Amendment.

From these we can discern several key ideas:

  1. The common law prerogative writs, not limited to habeas corpus, are matters of fundamental right, and not just privileges established by statute, or susceptible to statutory restriction or disablement.

  2. Individuals have a right to prosecute a public right, for such prerogative writs, and for declaratory, injunctive, and performance relief.30

  3. The essence of these rights is the right to a presumption of nonauthority. People have a right to challenge the authority of officials, and the burden of proof is on the officials that they have authority to do what they are doing or propose to do.

  4. The right to the presumption of nonauthority does not depend on the support of a court, but defaults to a finding of nonauthority even if a court declines to grant oyer and terminer. All that is necessary is to file or notice the court, notice the respondant, and wait the customary 3-20 days for the response. It is the respondant official who has the right to oyer and terminer in such a case, to support his claim of authority if he has such authority.

  5. One of the common law rights included is the right of demurrer, to challenge the authority of a prosecution at the outset, before trial is commenced, and this is also fundamental, and not subject to statutory restriction or disablement.

  6. The unenumerated rights are not limited to the right to a presumption of nonauthority, which is the basis for the prerogative writs, but also include rights to the positive duty of officials to report and disclose their activities, and not resist such disclosure without strong justification. They include the derivative rights to be assisted or facilitated in prosecuting rights, or to have the means to do so.

  7. The natural rights are those that arise out of the laws of nature, and include the right to have official acts be logical, reasonable, and rational. One may not be required to do the impossible.

  8. Delegations of power are never plenary, but are further constrained, beyond their subject matter, to what is reasonable and pursuant to a legitimate public purpose.

  9. It is a matter of common right to engage in any occupation, not subject to licensure or taxation, but only that acts committed in the course of such occupation not be violations of law.

  10. There is a right not to be subjected to laws or official acts that are unknown, unknowable, incomprehensible, or too vague to allow for easy interpretation, or to have the rules governing one’s behavior change adversely between the contemplation of an action and the enforcement of the law or application of the due process.

  11. There is a right not only not to have one’s rights legislatively impaired, disabled, or disfavored, but also not to have some accorded special privileges or protections that favor them over the rest of the people, in ways not essential to the performance of public duties. This means official immunity for damages extends only to each act under color or law for which an official has authority and that is not an abuse of discretion, not to everything an official might do while on the job.

  12. There must always be an effective remedy available for any infringement of a right, one that is not made so time-consuming, expensive or difficult to obtain as to make the right meaningless as a practical matter. All fundamental rights must have judicial remedies, not just political remedies, because the political process is often inadequate to protect the rights of individuals or minorities.

  13. There is a right not to be subject to laws one does not have the right, with the consent of a grand jury, to prosecute or help prosecute.

  14. There is a right to do one’s duty, and a duty to defend the rights of others, as militia, as jurors, or in any similar capacity. That means each has a duty to independently decide what is an what is not lawful, and to resolve conflicts of laws, in any situation with which one may be confronted. This duty is inalienable, and may not be relinquished to others. The exercise if judicial review by a judge in cases before him is nothing more than the exercise of the general duty of constitutional review which everyone has in situations they encounter.

  15. Part of the right to trial by jury is the right to have the jury review the decisions of the bench on issues of law before the court, in reaching a general verdict. That means a right to have all issues of law argued in the presence of the jury, and to enable them to read all pleadings and laws involved in the case.

  16. There is a right not to have officials take actions, under color of delegated authority, that may be convenient or that may tend to achieve the outcome sought by the exercise of a delegated authority, but only to make the reasonable effort such a delegation authorizes, which need not be sufficient to attain the ends.

  17. There is a right to have delegated powers construed narrowly, and complementary rights or immunities construed broadly, and when in doubt, the decision must always be in favor of the claimed right against an action of government over the claimed power of an official to so act.

One can recognize in these precepts the principles of natural right and justice that most of us take for granted, or that are embedded in our public processes, but which are not always made explicit or stated as positive rights. That is what the Ninth and Tenth Amendments do, each in its own way.

We must also recognize, however, that these rights have undergone a substantial erosion over the last two centuries. This article is not to provide a thorough review of all the ways this has occurred. That would take many volumes. It is to provide an introduction to the evidence of what the Founders meant by the unenumerated rights, and how the most fundamental of them, the right to a presumption of nonauthority, is the foundation for the entire system of Anglo-American law and constitutional government.31

Presumption of Nonauthority

A search of the literature will not find the phrase “presumption of nonauthority”, except in writings that trace back to the author of this article. However, a search on phrases used in law that begin with “presumption” yields several words that are synonyms of nonauthority. Consider the following:

  1. Of Liberty. Nonconstraint by government officials32

  2. Of Innocence. Burden of proof is on the prosecutor.

  3. In favor of the Defendant. Burden of proof is on the plaintiff.

  4. Of Assent. If one has due notice and a duty to object and fails to do so within a specified period of time.

  5. Of Public Access. For a roadway or place where the public has had access for a long period of time.

  6. Of Ownership. If the person has long unchallenged possession of a thing.

  7. Of Intent. If the evidence offers no plausible theory that the subject did not have intent.

Now consider some presumptions with opposite meaning:

  1. Of Constitutionality. When courts defer to the constitutional judgment of legislatures.

  2. Of Legitimacy. When courts defer to the actions of public officials.

  3. Of Validity. Documented public acts of officials, especially in other states or nations.

These contrary presumptions are not supported by the historical evidence we are presenting.

Some Latin legal maxims shed some light on this question:33

  1. Potestas stricte interpretatur. A power is strictly interpreted.

  2. In dubiis, non præsumitur pro potentia. In cases of doubt, the presumption is not in favor of a power.

  3. Delegata potestas non potest delegari. A delegated power cannot be delegated.34

  4. Ubi jus ibi remedium. There is no right without a remedy.

These maxims indicate the ancient heritage of the principles being discussed in this article.

If we accept that powers are to be construed as narrowly as the text permits, and rights are the complement of powers, then it follows that rights are to be construed as broadly as the text permits, and in the event of any doubt, the decision must always be against a claimed power and in favor of a claimed right against the exercise of the claimed power. This means that “strict construction” means narrow for powers and broad for rights, not narrow for both.

It also follows that it is never constitutional for any branch or official to defer to the judgment of other branches or officials, to presume the constitutionality or legitimacy of their acts, other than the specific exception made for the “full faith and credit” of the judicial acts of one state by another. Acts of the legislature must always be deemed unconstitutional unless or until proved otherwise. Likewise the acts of administrative or executive branch officials, or even of other courts, other than, perhaps, courts superior in the appeals hierarchy, for the same case involving the same parties and issues. This means that the only form of stare decisis that is compatible with the written Constitution is the weak form of persuasive precedent, rather than the strong form of binding precedent, such that a court might very well find a dissenting opinion more persuasive than a majority opinion. The number of votes a legal position gets on a multi-judge panel might be enough for that panel to decide a case, but not for anyone else. A judicial panel is not a legislative body, and its decisions are not enactments of law, only practices, which may or may not be consistent with the Constitution.

Some confusion has arisen from the practice of the courts to make decisions not only as interpretations of a constitution or statutes, but as prudential or equity decisions, and to frame those prudential or equity decisions in ways that make them appear to be constitutional interpretations. Many court justices have advocated that people reduce their tendency to look to politically weak courts to protect their rights, and to refocus their efforts on getting protection through the "political branches", legislative and executive. Many of the decisions of the courts that have seemed like contractions of rights have actually not been constitutional interpretations but "prudential" decisions, for the convenience of the court, intended to push back on the tendency of the political branches to relinquish responsibility for constitutional compliance protection onto the courts, and to force people to seek redress through the political process rather than through litigation. Unfortunately, this practice becomes deference by the courts to the political branches, which can have the practical effect of allowing the delegation of both legislative and judicial authority to administrative officials, and be interpreted by the political branches, and eventually the courts themselves, as restrictions on constitutional rights. When officials of all three branches try to evade their duty to enforce the Constitution, by trying to push the duty off onto other branches, the enduring result is less likely to be activation of effective public demand for protection of their rights than expansion of the powers of petty tyrants too numerous, well organized, and well-funded to be readily overcome by diffuse public pressure.

*Founder and President, Constitution Society. Http://www.constitution.org

11 Annals of Cong. 454 (J. Gales & W. Seaton eds. 1834) (Speech of Rep. J. Madison). http://www.constitution.org/ac/001/r01-1/bill_of_rights_hr1789.htm

2The Lost Jurisprudence of the Ninth Amendment, by Kurt Lash, Professor of Law and W. Joseph Ford Fellow, Loyola Law School, Los Angeles, Texas Law Review, Vol. 83, February 2005. http://www.constitution.org/9ll/schol/kurt_lash_juris_9th.htm

3Documentary History of the Bill of Rights. http://www.constitution.org/dhbr.htm

4The Lost Original Meaning of the Ninth Amendment, by Kurt Lash, Professor of Law and W. Joseph Ford Fellow, Loyola Law School, Los Angeles, Texas Law Review, Vol. 83, No. 2, December 2004. http://www.constitution.org/9ll/schol/kurt_lash_lost_9th.htm

5Randy Barnett discusses this in “Two Conceptions of the Ninth Amendment”, http://randybarnett.com/12harvjl29.htm

8"Provided, That all commissions, writs, and processes, shall run in the name of the people of the United States, and be tested in the name of the President of the United States, or the person holding his place for the time being, or the first judge of the court out of which the same shall issue." New York Ratification Debates, http://www.constitution.org/rc/rat_ny.htm

9“10th. That every freeman restrained of his liberty is entitled to a remedy, to inquire into the lawfulness thereof, and to remove the same, if unlawful, and that such remedy ought not to be denied nor delayed.” Virginia Convention Bill of Rights, http://www.constitution.org/rc/rat_va_23.htm

10“That every Person restrained of his Liberty is entitled to an enquiry into the lawfulness of such restraint, and to a removal thereof if unlawful, and that such enquiry and removal ought not to be denied or delayed, except when on account of Public Danger the Congress shall suspend the privilege of the Writ of Habeas Corpus.” “That the Privilege of the Habeas Corpus shall not by any Law be suspended for a longer term than six Months, or until twenty days after the Meeting of the Congress next following the passing of the Act for such suspension.” New York Ratification Declaration, http://www.constitution.org/rc/rat_decl-ny.htm

11"10. That every freeman, restrained of his liberty, is entitled to a remedy to inquire into the lawfulness thereof, and to remove the same if unlawful; and that such remedy ought not to be denied nor delayed.” North Carolina Declaration of Rights, http://www.constitution.org/rc/rat_nc.htm

12"Resolved, as the opinion of this committee, that all appeals from any courts in this state, proceeding according to the course of the common law, are to be by writ of error, and not otherwise." New York Ratification Debates, http://www.constitution.org/rc/rat_ny.htm

13“That all Appeals in Causes determineable according to the course of the common Law, ought to be by Writ of Error and not otherwise.” New York Ratification Declaration, http://www.constitution.org/rc/rat_decl-ny.htm

14"Provided, That, whenever the privilege of habeas corpus shall he suspended, such suspension shall in no case exceed the term of six months, or until the next meeting of the Congress." New York Ratification Debates, http://www.constitution.org/rc/rat_ny.htm

15"12th. That every freeman ought to find a certain remedy, by recourse to the laws, for all injuries and wrongs he may receive in his person, property, or character. He ought to obtain right and justice freely, without sale, completely and without denial, promptly and without delay; and that all establishments or regulations contravening these rights are oppressive and unjust.” Virginia Convention Bill of Rights, http://www.constitution.org/rc/rat_va_23.htm

16"12. That every freeman ought to find a certain remedy, by recourse to the laws, for all injuries and wrongs he may receive in his person, property,or character; he ought to obtain right and justice freely without sale, completely and without denial, promptly and without delay; and that all establishments or regulations contravening these rights are oppressive and unjust.” North Carolina Declaration of Rights, http://www.constitution.org/rc/rat_nc.htm

17"1st. That there are certain natural rights, of which men, when they form a social compact, cannot deprive or divest their posterity; among which are the enjoyment of life and liberty, with the means of acquiring, possessing, and protecting property, and pursuing and obtaining happiness and safety.” Virginia Convention Bill of Rights, http://www.constitution.org/rc/rat_va_23.htm

18"1. That there are certain natural rights, of which men, when they form a social compact, cannot deprive or divest their posterity, among which are the enjoyment of life and liberty, with the means of acquiring, possessing, and protecting property, and pursuing and obtaining happiness and safety.” North Carolina Declaration of Rights, http://www.constitution.org/rc/rat_nc.htm

19"15th, That, in criminal prosecutions, no man shall be restrained in the exercise of the usual and accustomed right of challenging or excepting to the jury.” Virginia Convention Proposed Amendments, http://www.constitution.org/rc/rat_va_23.htm

20"16. That, in criminal prosecutions, no man shall be restrained in the exercise of the usual and accustomed tight of challenging or excepting to the jury.” North Carolina Proposed Amendments, http://www.constitution.org/rc/rat_nc.htm

21“Ninthly. Congress shall at no time consent that any person holding an office of trust or profit, under the United States, shall accept of a title of nobility, or any other title or office, from any king, prince, or foreign state.” Massachusetts Convention Proposed Amendments, http://www.constitution.org/rc/rat_ma.htm

22"Resolved, as the opinion of this committee, that the Congress shall at no time consent that any person, holding any office of profit or trust in or under the United States, shall accept of any title of nobility from any king, prince, or foreign state." New York Ratification Debates, http://www.constitution.org/rc/rat_ny.htm

23“That the Prohibition contained in the said Constitution against ex post facto Laws, extends only to Laws concerning Crimes.” New York Ratification Declaration, http://www.constitution.org/rc/rat_decl-ny.htm

24"5th. That the journals of the proceedings of the Senate and House of Representatives shall be published at least once in every year. except such {660} parts thereof, relating to treaties, alliances, or military operations, as, in their judgment, require secrecy.” Virginia Convention Proposed Amendments, http://www.constitution.org/rc/rat_va_23.htm

25"5. That the Journals of the proceedings of the Senate and House of Representatives shall be published at least once in every year, except such parts thereof relating to treaties, alliances, or military operations, as in their judgment require secrecy.” North Carolina Proposed Amendments, http://www.constitution.org/rc/rat_nc.htm

26"6th. That a regular statement and account of the receipts and expenditures of public money shall be published at least once a year.” Virginia Convention Proposed Amendments, http://www.constitution.org/rc/rat_va_23.htm

27"Provided, That. the words from time to time shall be so construed, as that the receipts and expenditures of public money shall be published at least once in every year, and be transmitted to the executives of the several states, to be laid before the legislatures thereof." New York Ratification Debates, http://www.constitution.org/rc/rat_ny.htm

28"6. That a regular statement and account of receipts and expenditures of all public moneys shall be published at least once in every year.” North Carolina Proposed Amendments, http://www.constitution.org/rc/rat_nc.htm

29“XV. That all men have a natural inherent right to emigrate from one state to another that will receive them, or to form a new state in vacant countries, or in such countries as they can purchase, whenever they think that thereby they may promote their own happiness.” Pennsylvania Constitution of 1776, http://www.constitution.org/cons/pa/pa_1776.htm

30This is contrary to the precedent in Frothingham v. Mellon, 262 U.S. 447 (1923). Discussed by Steven Winter in “The Metaphor of Standing and the Problem of Self-Governance”, 40 Stan. L. Rev. 1371. http://www.constitution.org/duepr/standing/winter_standing.htm

31This is brought out in the 1786 English case, The Trial at Large, ... In the Nature of a Quo Warranto, Against Mr. Thomas Amery, , ... of the City of Chester. http://www.constitution.org/trials/amery1786/amery1786.htm Submitted to verdict by a jury.

32Randy Barnett, Restoring the Lost Constitution: The Presumption of Liberty, Princeton University Press (December 15, 2003).

33Jon Roland, Principles of Constitution Interpretation. http://www.constitution.org/cons/prin_cons.htm