Sunday, May 13, 2007

Site Devoted to Exposing Corruption in U.S.

The information at this site and related books can:

  • Provide insider information enabling you to better understand the truth in the conflicting information provided by government sources and government shills in the media.

  • Enable you to understand, with examples given by former government agents and further supported by documentation, the decades of corruption in such government operations as:

    • The CIA and other government intelligence agencies.

    • The DEA involvement in drug smuggling.

    • The corruption of federal judges and other members of the judicial fraternity.

    • The corruption of California judges and the judiciary in other states.

    • The corruption in the federal bankruptcy courts, involving federal judges, DOJ trustees, lawyers and law firms.

    • The corruption in the government's aviation safety offices and the specific airline disasters and deaths arising from it.

    • The facts, not conspiracy theories, of the areas of corruption responsible for the conditions that enabled four groups of terrorists to hijack four airliners on September 11, 2001, and the tactics used to cover up for these facts.

    • The pattern of cover-ups by media people, many of whom have been on the secret payroll of the CIA and other government entities.

    • A greater understanding of how endemic the corruption is within the United States, both in government positions and outside of government (media, financial institutions, local governments, etc.)

    • Details of many secret covert operations.

    • How people are set up and charged with federal crimes by thousands of government informants and government agents.

    • The role of the apathetic public and the endless series of personal and national tragedies they state of denial makes possible

Saturday, May 12, 2007

America, Freedom to Fascism

Things That Are Not In the U.S. Constitution

A lot of people presume a lot of things about the Constitution. Some are true, some are not. This page will detail some of the things that people think are in the Constitution, but are not.

Friday, May 11, 2007

We The People Enjoy NO RIGHTS Under the communist USA

Right to Petition Court Opinion PDF Print E-mail
Written by djahn
Thursday, 10 May 2007

Someone was nice enough to forward the court opinion in the WE THE PEOPLE FOUNDATION, INC., ET AL., Appellants v. UNITED STATES OF AMERICA, ET AL.,
Appellees. This opinion has sparked debate on both sides of the issue. All seem to agree that it will be interesting to see what the Supreme Court chooses to do with it if anything.

Click "Read more..." to read the opinion.

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WE THE PEOPLE FOUNDATION, INC., ET AL., Appellants
v.
UNITED STATES OF AMERICA, ET AL., Appellees

UNITED STATES COURT OF APPEALS
FOR THE DISTRICT OF COLUMBIA CIRCUIT

Argued October 6, 2006
Decided May 8, 2007

Appeal from the United States District Court
for the District of Columbia
(No. 04cv01211)

Mark Lane argued the cause for appellants. With him on the briefs was Robert L. Schulz, pro se.

Carol Barthel, Attorney, U.S. Department of Justice, argued the cause for appellees. With her on the brief were Kenneth L. Wainstein, U.S. Attorney at the time the brief was filed, and Kenneth L. Greene, Attorney. Bruce R. Ellisen and Kenneth W. Rosenberg, Attorneys, entered appearances.

Before: GINSBURG, Chief Judge, and ROGERS and KAVANAUGH, Circuit Judges.

Opinion for the Court filed by Circuit Judge KAVANAUGH, in which Chief Judge GINSBURG and Circuit Judge ROGERS join.

Concurring opinion filed by Circuit Judge ROGERS.

KAVANAUGH, Circuit Judge: Ratified in 1791, the First Amendment to the United States Constitution provides in part that "Congress shall make no law . . . abridging . . . the right of the people . . . to petition the Government for a redress of grievances." Plaintiffs are citizens who petitioned various parts of the Legislative and Executive Branches for redress of a variety of grievances that plaintiffs asserted with respect to the Government's tax, privacy, and war policies. Alleging that they did not receive an adequate response, plaintiffs sued to compel a response from the Government.

Plaintiffs contend that the First Amendment guarantees a citizen's right to receive a government response to or official consideration of a petition for redress of grievances. Plaintiffs' argument fails because, as the Supreme Court has held, the First Amendment does not encompass such a right. See Minn. State Bd. for Cmty. Colls. v. Knight, 465 U.S. 271, 283, 285 (1984); Smith v. Arkansas State Highway Employees, 441 U.S. 463, 465 (1979).

I

Plaintiffs are numerous individuals and an organization that creatively calls itself "We the People." For purposes of this appeal, we take the allegations in the complaint as true. According to plaintiffs, they have engaged since 1999 in "a nationwide effort to get the government to answer specific questions" regarding what plaintiffs view as the Government's "violation of the taxing clauses of the Constitution" and "violation of the war powers, money and 'privacy' clauses of the Constitution." Joint Appendix ("J.A.") 80 (Am. Compl. ¶ 3). Plaintiffs submitted petitions with extensive lists of inquiries to various government agencies. On March 16, 2002, for example, plaintiffs submitted a petition with hundreds of inquiries regarding the tax code to a Member of Congress and to various parts of the Executive Branch, including the Department of Justice and the Department of the Treasury. On November 8, 2002, plaintiffs presented four petitions to each Member of Congress. Those petitions concerned the Government's war powers, privacy issues, the Federal Reserve System, and the tax code. On May 10, 2004, plaintiffs submitted a petition regarding similar issues to the Executive Branch, including the Department of Justice and the Department of the Treasury.

Plaintiffs contend that the Legislative and Executive Branches have responded to the petitions with "total silence and a lack of acknowledgment." J.A. 85 (Am. Compl. ¶ 35). In protest, some plaintiffs have stopped paying federal income taxes.

Based on their view that the Government has not sufficiently responded to their petitions, plaintiffs filed suit in the United States District Court for the District of Columbia. They raised two claims. First, plaintiffs contend that the Government violated their First Amendment right to petition the Government for a redress of grievances by failing to adequately respond to plaintiffs' petitions. In particular, plaintiffs contend that the President, the Attorney General, the Secretary of the Treasury, the Commissioner of the Internal Revenue Service, and Congress neglected their responsibilities under the First Amendment to respond to plaintiffs' petitions. Plaintiffs want the Government to enter into "good faith exchanges" with plaintiffs and to provide "documented and specific answers" to the questions posed in the petitions. J.A. 78 (Am. Compl.).

Second, plaintiffs claim that government officials -- by seeking to collect unpaid taxes -- have retaliated against plaintiffs' exercise of First Amendment rights. Plaintiffs therefore asked the District Court to enjoin the Internal Revenue Service, the Department of Justice, and other federal agencies from retaliating against plaintiffs' exercise of their constitutional rights (in other words, to prevent the Government from collecting taxes from them).

The Government has responded that the federal courts lack jurisdiction over either claim because the Government has not waived its sovereign immunity with respect to the causes of action asserted by plaintiffs. As to the Petition Clause claim, the Government has contended in the alternative that plaintiffs have failed to state a claim for which relief could be granted because the Petition Clause does not require the Government to respond to or officially consider petitions.

The District Court dismissed plaintiffs' complaint. We The People v. United States, No. 04-cv-1211, slip op. at 6 (D.D.C. Aug. 31, 2005). The Court ruled that the First Amendment does not provide plaintiffs with the right to receive a government response to or official consideration of their petitions. Id. at 2-3. In addition, the District Court concluded that the Anti-Injunction Act bars plaintiffs' claim for injunctive relief with respect to the collection of taxes. See id. at 5 (citing 26 U.S.C. § 7421).

II

Plaintiffs raise two legal arguments on appeal. First, plaintiffs contend that they have a First Amendment right to receive a government response to or official consideration of their petitions. Second, plaintiffs argue that they have the right to withhold payment of their taxes until they receive adequate action on their petitions.

The Government renews its argument that plaintiffs' claims are barred by sovereign immunity. In response, plaintiffs have contended that Section 702 of the Administrative Procedure Act waives the Government's sovereign immunity. That section provides: "A person suffering legal wrong because of agency action, or adversely affected or aggrieved by agency action within the meaning of a relevant statute, is entitled to judicial review thereof. . . . The United States may be named as a defendant in any such action . . . ." 5 U.S.C. § 702. The Government acknowledges that Section 702 waives sovereign immunity from suits for injunctive relief. See Dep't of the Army v. Blue Fox, Inc., 525 U.S. 255, 260-61 (1999) (describing Section 702 as waiving the Government's immunity from actions seeking relief other than money damages); Trudeau v. FTC, 456 F.3d 178, 186 (D.C. Cir. 2006) ("[T]here is no doubt that § 702 waives the Government's immunity from actions seeking relief other than money damages.") (internal quotation omitted). The Government contends, however, that plaintiffs' claims fall within an exception to Section 702 that provides: "Nothing herein . . . affects other limitations on judicial review . . . ." 5 U.S.C. § 702. The Government further argues that the Anti-Injunction Act presents just such a barrier to judicial relief in this case because of the Act's provision that "no suit for the purpose of restraining the assessment or collection of any tax shall be maintained in any court by any person." 26 U.S.C. § 7421(a).

We agree with the Government that the Anti-Injunction Act precludes plaintiffs' second claim -- related to collection of taxes. See Bob Jones Univ. v. Simon, 416 U.S. 725, 726-27, 749-50 (1974). In asserting that claim, plaintiffs seek to restrain the Government's collection of taxes, which is precisely what the Anti-Injunction Act prohibits, notwithstanding that plaintiffs have couched their tax collection claim in constitutional terms. See Alexander v. "Americans United" Inc., 416 U.S. 752, 759-60 (1974).

Plaintiffs also raise, however, a straight First Amendment Petition Clause claim -- namely, that they have a right to receive a government response to or official consideration of their various petitions. By its terms, the Anti-Injunction Act does not bar that claim, and Section 702 waives the Government's sovereign immunity from this suit for injunctive relief, at least with respect to plaintiffs' allegations regarding actions of certain of the named defendants. See 26 U.S.C. § 7421; cf. Trudeau, 456 F.3d at 187. We therefore will consider that claim on the merits.

III

The First Amendment to the Constitution provides: "Congress shall make no law respecting an establishment of religion, or prohibiting the free exercise thereof; or abridging the freedom of speech, or of the press; or the right of the people peaceably to assemble, and to petition the Government for a redress of grievances." U.S. CONST. amend. I. Plaintiffs contend that they have a right under the First Amendment to receive a government response to or official consideration of a petition for a redress of grievances. We disagree.

In cases involving petitions to state agencies, the Supreme Court has held that the Petition Clause does not provide a right to a response or official consideration. In Smith v. Arkansas State Highway Employees, for example, state highway commission employees argued that a state agency violated the First Amendment by not responding to or considering grievances that employees submitted through their union. See 441 U.S. 463, 463-64 & n.1 (1979). In response, the Court held that "the First Amendment does not impose any affirmative obligation on the government to listen, to respond or, in this context, to recognize the association and bargain with it." Id. at 465.

Likewise, in Minnesota State Board for Community Colleges v. Knight, the Supreme Court evaluated a state law that required public employers to discuss certain employee matters exclusively with a union representative; this prevented nonunion employees from discussing those matters with their employers. 465 U.S. 271, 273 (1984). Holding that the state statutory scheme had not "unconstitutionally denied an opportunity to participate in their public employer's making of policy," the Court reiterated: "Nothing in the First Amendment or in this Court's case law interpreting it suggests that the rights to speak, associate, and petition require government policymakers to listen or respond to individuals' communications on public issues." Id. at 285, 292. Therefore, the Court concluded that individuals "have no constitutional right as members of the public to a government audience for their policy views." Id. at 286.

Plaintiffs contend that Smith and Knight do not govern their claims in this case because those cases addressed petitions to state officials regarding public policy, not claims that the Federal Government has violated the Constitution. Plaintiffs' attempted distinction is at best strained. In both cases, the Supreme Court flatly stated that the First Amendment, which has been incorporated against the States by the Fourteenth Amendment, does not provide a right to a response to or official consideration of a petition. Knight, 465 U.S. at 285; Smith, 441 U.S. at 465. Nothing in the two Supreme Court opinions hints at a limitation on their holdings to certain kinds of petitions or certain levels of Government. In short, the Supreme Court precedents in Smith and Knight govern this case.

IV

Plaintiffs cite the work of several commentators who suggest that Smith and Knight overlooked important historical information regarding the right to petition. Those commentators point to the government practice of considering petitions in some quasi-formal fashion from the 13th century in England through American colonial times -- a practice that continued in the early years of the American Republic. Based on this historical practice, plaintiffs and these commentators contend that the Petition Clause should be interpreted to incorporate a right to a response to or official consideration of petitions. See, e.g., Stephen A. Higginson, A Short History of the Right to Petition Government for the Redress of Grievances, 96 YALE L.J.142, 155 (1986); James E. Pfander, Sovereign Immunity and the Right to Petition: Toward a First Amendment Right to Pursue Judicial Claims Against the Government, 91 NW. U. L. REV. 899, 904-05 & n.22 (1997); Julie M. Spanbauer, The First Amendment Right to Petition Government for a Redress of Grievances: Cut From a Different Cloth, 21 HASTINGS CONST. L.Q. 15, 17-18 (1993); Note, A Petition Clause Analysis of Suits Against the Government: Implications for Rule 11 Sanctions, 106 HARV. L. REV. 1111, 1116-18 (1993); cf. David C. Frederick, John Quincy Adams, Slavery, and the Disappearance of the Right of Petition, 9 LAW & HIST REV. 113, 116-18, 141 (1991).

Other scholars disagree, arguing based on the plain text of the First Amendment that the "right to petition the government for a redress of grievances really is just a right to petition the government for a redress of grievances." Gary Lawson & Guy Seidman, Downsizing the Right to Petition, 93 NW. U. L. REV. 739, 766 (1999); cf. Norman B. Smith, "Shall Make No Law Abridging . . .": An Analysis of the Neglected, but Nearly Absolute, Right of Petition, 54 U. CIN. L. REV. 1153, 1190-91 (1986). These scholars note that the Petition Clause by its terms refers only to a right "to petition"; it does not also refer to a right to response or official consideration. See N. BAILEY, AN UNIVERSAL ETYMOLOGICAL ENGLISH DICTIONARY (24th ed. 1782) ("To petition": "to present or put up a Petition"); S. JOHNSON, A DICTIONARY OF THE ENGLISH LANGUAGE (6th ed. 1785) ("To petition": "To solicite; to supplicate"). As they suggest, moreover, the Framers and Ratifiers did not intend to incorporate every historical practice of British or colonial governments into the text of the Constitution. See Lawson & Seidman, 93 NW. U. L. REV. at 756-57; cf. Williams v. Florida, 399 U.S. 78, 92-93 (1970); Browning-Ferris Indus. of Vt., Inc. v. Kelco Disposal, Inc., 492 U.S. 257, 274-76 (1989) ("Despite this recognition of civil exemplary damages as punitive in nature, the Eighth Amendment did not expressly include it within its scope.").

We need not resolve this debate, however, because we must follow the binding Supreme Court precedent. See Tenet v. Doe, 544 U.S. 1, 10-11 (2005). And under that precedent, Executive and Legislative responses to and consideration of petitions are entrusted to the discretion of those Branches.

The judgment of the District Court is affirmed.

So ordered.

* * * * *

ROGERS, Circuit Judge, concurring: The text of the Petition Clause of the First Amendment does not explicitly indicate whether the right to petition includes a right to a response. Appellants ask the court to consider the text in light of historical evidence of how the right to petition was understood at the time the First Amendment was adopted. Essentially, they contend that the Petition Clause should be read in light of contemporary understanding, which they suggest indicates that the obligation to respond was part and parcel of the right to petition.

As the court points out, we have no occasion to resolve the merits of appellants' historical argument, given the binding Supreme Court precedent in Smith v. Arkansas State Highway Employees, 441 U.S. 463 (1979), and Minnesota State Board for Community Colleges v. Knight, 465 U.S. 271 (1984). Op. at 9. That precedent, however, does not refer to the historical evidence and we know from the briefs in Knight that the historical argument was not presented to the Supreme Court.

The Supreme Court's interpretation of the Constitution has been informed by the understanding that:
Quote:
"The provisions of the Constitution are not mathematical formulas having their essence in their form; they are organic living institutions transplanted from English soil. Their significance is vital not formal; it is to be gathered not simply by taking the words and a dictionary, but by considering their origin and the line of their growth."

Konigsberg v. State Bar of California, 366 U.S. 36, 50 n.10 (1961) (quoting Gompers v. United States, 233 U.S. 604, 610 (1914)). Even where the plain text yields a clear interpretation, the Supreme Court has rejected a pure textualist approach in favor of an analysis that accords weight to the historical context and the underlying purpose of the clause at issue. For example, in Lynch v. Donnelly, 465 U.S. 668 (1984), the Supreme Court stated that "[t]he history may help explain why the Court consistently has declined to take a rigid, absolutist view of the Establishment Clause. We have refused 'to construe the Religion Clauses with a literalness that would undermine the ultimate constitutional objective as illuminated by history.'" Id. at 678 (quoting Walz v. Tax Comm'n, 397 U.S. 664, 671 (1970)); see id. at 673-75. Nor is the Supreme Court's rejection of literalism limited to the First Amendment.1

In the context of the First Amendment, the Supreme Court has repeatedly emphasized the significance of historical evidence. A few examples suffice to illustrate the point. In Globe Newspaper Co. v. Superior Court, 457 U.S. 596 (1982), the Supreme Court acknowledged that:
Quote:
[The] right of access to criminal trials [by the press] is not explicitly mentioned in terms in the First Amendment. But we have long eschewed any narrow, literal conception of the Amendment's terms, for the Framers were concerned with broad principles, and wrote against a background of shared values and practices. The First Amendment is thus broad enough to encompass those rights that, while not unambiguously enumerated in the very terms of the Amendment, are nonetheless necessary to the enjoyment of other First Amendment rights.

Id. at 604 (internal quotations marks omitted) (citations omitted). In Lynch v. Donnelly, the Supreme Court acknowledged that its "interpretation of the Establishment Clause has comported with what history reveals was the contemporaneous understanding of its guarantees." 465 U.S. at 673; see id. at 673-77. In Marsh v. Chambers, 463 U.S. 783, 786-94 (1983), the Supreme Court looked to contemporary practice from the early sessions of Congress and to later congressional practice in holding that paid legislative chaplains and opening prayers do not violate the First Amendment. See Minneapolis Star & Tribune Co. v. Minn. Comm'r of Revenue, 460 U.S. 575, 583-85 (1983); Engel v. Vitale, 370 U.S. 421, 425-33 (1962); Everson v. Bd. of Educ., 330 U.S. 1, 7-15 (1947); Grosjean v. Am. Press Co., 297 U.S. 233, 240, 245-49 (1936); Near v. Minnesota, 283 U.S. 697, 713-18 (1931).2

Appellants point to the long history of petitioning and the importance of the practice in England, the American Colonies, and the United States until the 1830's as suggesting that the right to petition was commonly understood at the time the First Amendment was proposed and ratified to include duties of consideration and response. See Julie M. Spanbauer, The First Amendment Right to Petition Government for a Redress of Grievances: Cut From a Different Cloth, 21 HASTINGS CONST. L.Q. 15, 22-33 (1993); Norman B. Smith, "Shall Make No Law Abridging . . .": An Analysis of the Neglected, but Nearly Absolute, Right of Petition, 54 U. CIN. L. REV. 1153, 1154-68, 1170-75 (1986). Based on the historical background of the Petition Clause, "most scholars agree that the right to petition includes a right to some sort of considered response." James E. Pfander, Sovereign Immunity and the Right to Petition: Toward a First Amendment Right to Pursue Judicial Claims Against the Government, 91 NW.U.L.REV.899, 905 n.22 (1997); see David C. Frederick, John Quincy Adams, Slavery, and the Right of Petition, 9 LAW & HIST. L. REV. 113, 141 (1991); Spanbauer, supra, at 40-42; Stephen A. Higginson, Note, A Short History of the Right to Petition, 96 YALE L.J. 142, 155-56 (1986); Note, A Petition Clause Analysis of Suits Against the Government: Implications for Rule 11 Sanctions, 106 HARV. L. REV. 1111, 1116-17, 1119-20 (1993); see also Akhil Reed Amar, The Bill of Rights as a Constitution, 100 YALE L.J. 1131, 1156 (1991) (lending credence to Higginson's argument that the Petition Clause implies a duty to respond). Even those who take a different view, based on a redefinition of the question and differences between English and American governments, acknowledge that there is "an emerging consensus of scholars" embracing appellants' interpretation of the right to petition. See Gary Lawson & Guy Seidman, Downsizing the Right to Petition, 93 NW. U. L. REV. 739, 756 (1999).

The sources cited by appellants indicate that "[t]he debates over the inclusion of the right to petition reveal very little about why the convention delegates may have regarded the right as important or what the 'framers' intended with respect to the substantive meaning of the right." Frederick, supra, at 117 n.19 (citing 4 BERNARD SCHWARTZ, THE ROOTS OF THE BILL OF RIGHTS 762-66, 840-42 (1980)); see Higginson, supra, at 155-56. But neither textual omission3 nor the absence of explicit statements by Framers or Ratifiers on the precise issue has been dispositive in the Supreme Court's First Amendment jurisprudence. Instead, the historical context and the underlying purpose have been the hallmarks of the Supreme Court's approach to the First Amendment. See, e.g., Buckley v. Valeo, 424 U.S. 1, 14-15 (1976); New York Times Co. v. Sullivan, 376 U.S. 254, 269-71 (1964); Roth v. United States, 354 U.S. 476, 481-84, 488 (1957); Beauharnais v. Illinois, 343 U.S. 250, 254-55 (1952).

The Supreme Court's free speech precedent is illustrative. Although the textual meaning of "speech" is as clear, in terms of dictionary definitions, as the meaning of "petition," the Supreme Court has interpreted "speech" broadly in order to protect freedom of expression:
Quote:
The First Amendment literally forbids the abridgment only of "speech," but we have long recognized that its protection does not end at the spoken or written word . . . . [W]e have acknowledged that conduct may be "sufficiently imbued with elements of communication to fall within the scope of the First and Fourteenth Amendments."

Texas v. Johnson, 491 U.S. 397, 404 (1989) (quoting Spence v. Washington, 418 U.S. 405, 409 (1974)); cf. NAACP v. Button, 371 U.S. 415, 430 (1963). The text of the First Amendment mentions neither writing nor conduct, and at the time of the Founding, as now, the word "speech" meant expression through "vocal words."4 Yet the Supreme Court has considered both the history and purpose of the First Amendment in according a broad interpretation to the Free Speech Clause. Looking, in part, to the Framers' intent, the Supreme Court has held that the Free Speech Clause applies to written communications, see City of Ladue v. Gilleo, 512 U.S. 43, 45, 58 (1994); Bolger v. Youngs Drug Prods. Corp., 463 U.S. 60, 61 (1983); Martin v. Struthers, 319 U.S. 141, 141-42, 149 (1943), as well as a broad range of expressive activities, including spending to promote a cause, First Nat'l Bank v. Bellotti, 435 U.S. 765, 767 (1978); Buckley, 424 U.S. at 19-20, burning the American flag, see Johnson, 491 U.S. at 399-400, 404-06, and dancing nude, see City of Erie v. Pap's A.M., 529 U.S. 277, 289 (2000); Barnes v. Glen Theatre, Inc., 501 U.S. 560, 565-66 (1991). Furthermore, although the dictionaries do not exclude any particular types of oral communication from the definition of "speech," the Supreme Court has held, in light of the historical context, that the First Amendment does not protect obscene speech, Roth, 354 U.S. at 481-85, 488; Miller v. California, 413 U.S. 15, 23 (1973), libelous speech, Beauharnais, 343 U.S. at 254-55, 266, false commercial speech, see Cent. Hudson Gas & Elec. Corp. v. Pub. Serv. Comm'n, 447 U.S. 557, 563-64 (1980); Va. State Bd. of Pharmacy v. Va. Citizens Consumer Council, 425 U.S. 748, 771-72 (1976), or speech that is "likely to cause a breach of the peace," Chaplinsky v. New Hampshire, 315 U.S. 568, 569, 573 (1942).

Of course, this court cannot know whether the traditional historical analysis would have resonance with the Supreme Court in a Petition Clause claim such as appellants have brought. It remains to be seen whether the Supreme Court would agree to entertain the issue, much less whether it would agree with appellants and "most scholars" that the historical evidence provides insight into the First Congress's understanding of what was meant by the right to petition and reevaluate its precedent, or conversely reject that analysis in light of other considerations, such as the nature of our constitutional government. No doubt it would present an interesting question. For now it suffices to observe that appellants' emphasis on contemporary historical understanding and practices is consistent with the Supreme Court's traditional interpretative approach to the First Amendment.

FOOTNOTES

1 For instance, in Eleventh Amendment cases, the Supreme Court has rejected "a historical literalism," Alden v. Maine, 527 U.S. 706, 730 (1999), and instead has turned to "history, practice, precedent, and the structure of the Constitution," id. at 741; see id. at 711-24, 730-35, 741-44, explaining that "[a]lthough the text of the Amendment would appear to restrict only the Article III diversity jurisdiction of the federal courts, 'we have understood the Eleventh Amendment to stand not so much for what it says, but for the presupposition . . . which it confirms,'" id. at 729 (omission in original) (quoting Seminole Tribe of Florida v. Florida, 517 U.S. 44, 54 (1996) (quoting Blatchford v. Native Village of Noatak, 501 U.S. 775, 779 (1991))); see also Seminole Tribe, 517 U.S. at 69-70; Principality of Monaco v. Mississippi, 292 U.S. 313, 320-26, 330 (1934); Hans v. Louisiana, 134 U.S. 1, 10-11, 15 (1890). In construing the Fifth Amendment in Ullmann v. United States, 350 U.S. 422, 424-25, 438-39 (1956), the Supreme Court rejected the contention that the privilege against self-incrimination protects an individual who is given immunity from prosecution from being forced to testify before a grand jury: For "the privilege against self-incrimination[,] . . . it is peculiarly true that 'a page of history is worth a volume of logic.' For the history of the privilege establishes not only that it is not to be interpreted literally, but also that its sole concern is . . . with the danger to a witness forced to give testimony" that may lead to criminal charges. Id. at 438-39 (internal quotation marks omitted) (citations omitted) (quoting New York Trust Co. v. Eisner, 256 U.S. 345, 349 (1921)). And in interpreting the Ex Post Facto Clause, the Supreme Court in Collins v. Youngblood, 497 U.S. 37 (1990), relied on history rather than adopting a literal construction:
Quote:
Although the Latin phrase "ex post facto" literally encompasses any law passed "after the fact," it has long been recognized by this Court that the constitutional prohibition on ex post facto laws applies only to penal statutes which disadvantage the offender affected by them. As early opinions in this Court explained, "ex post facto law" was a term of art with an established meaning at the time of the framing of the Constitution.

Id. at 41 (internal citations omitted) (citing Calder v. Bull, 3 Dall. 386 (1798)); see Minnesota v. Carter, 525 U.S. 83, 88-89 (1998); Maryland v. Craig, 497 U.S. 836, 844-49 (1990); Keystone Bituminous Coal Ass'n v. DeBenedictis, 480 U.S. 470, 502-03 (1987); Goldstein v. Califoria, 412 U.S. 546, 561-62 (1973); Gravel v. United States, 408 U.S. 606, 616-18 (1972); Wright v. United States, 302 U.S. 583, 607 (1938) (Stone, J., concurring); Olmstead v. United States, 277 U.S. 438, 476-77 (1928) (Brandeis, J., dissenting); Boyd v. United States, 116 U.S. 616, 634-35 (1886).

2 Similar analysis is found in the Supreme Court's interpretation of other provisions of the Constitution. See Crawford v. Washington, 541 U.S. 36, 42-50 (2004) (Sixth Amendment); Atwater v. City of Lago Vista, 532 U.S. 318, 326-40, 345 n.14 (2001) (Fourth Amendment); U.S. Term Limits, Inc. v. Thornton, 514 U.S. 779, 782-83, 800-15 (1995) (Tenth Amendment); Harmelin v. Michigan, 501 U.S. 957, 975-85 (1991) (Eighth Amendment); Wesberry v. Sanders, 376 U.S. 1, 2-3, 7-17 (1964) (Art. I, § 2).

3 See, e.g., Globe Newspaper, 457 U.S. at 604. The Supreme Court has adopted the same approach in interpreting other provisions of the Constitution. For example, in holding that the Speech or Debate Clause applies to a Senator's aide even though it mentions only "Senators and Representatives," the Supreme Court in Gravel observed that although the Clause "speaks only of 'Speech or Debate,'" its precedent, consistent with adhering to the underlying purpose of the Clause, "ha[d] plainly not taken a literalistic approach in applying the privilege" to protect committee reports, resolutions, and voting. Gravel, 408 U.S. at 617; see id. at 616-18. In the Fourth Amendment context, although the Amendment speaks only to protecting people in their houses, the Supreme Court in Carter noted that its precedent, in some situations, had extended that protection to apply to individuals' privacy in other people's houses. Carter, 525 U.S. at 88-89; see also Faretta v. California, 422 U.S. 806, 819 & n.15 (1975); Goldstein, 412 U.S. at 561-62; Principality of Monaco, 292 U.S. at 320-23, 330; Hans, 134 U.S. at 10-11, 15.

4 2 SAMUEL JOHNSON, A DICTIONARY OF THE ENGLISH LANGUAGE (6th ed. 1785) ("speech": "The power of articulate utterance; the power of expressing thoughts by vocal words," "Language; words considered as expressing thoughts," "Particular language; as distinct from others," "Any thing spoken," "Talk; mention," "Oration, harangue," "Declaration of thoughts"); 2 THOMAS SHERIDAN, A COMPLETE DICTIONARY OF THE ENGLISH LANGUAGE (3d ed. 1790) ("speech": "The power of articulate utterance, the power of expressing thoughts by vocal words; language, words considered as expressing thoughts; particular language as distinct from others; any thing spoken; talk, mention; oration, harangue"); see NATHAN BAILEY, AN UNIVERSAL ETYMOLOGICAL ENGLISH DICTIONARY (24th ed. 1782) ("speech": "Language, Discourse"); see also THE AMERICAN HERITAGE DICTIONARY OF THE ENGLISH LANGUAGE 1731 (3d ed. 1992) ("speech": "The faculty or act of speaking," "The faculty or act of expressing or describing thoughts, feelings, or perceptions by the articulation of words," "Something spoken; an utterance," "Vocal communication; conversation"); THE NEW OXFORD AMERICAN DICTIONARY 1630 (2d ed. 2005) ("speech": "the expression of or the ability to express thoughts and feelings by articulate sounds"); 16 THE OXFORD ENGLISH DICTIONARY 175-77 (2d ed. 1989) ("speech": "The act of speaking; the natural exercise of the vocal organs; the utterance of words or sentences; oral expression of thought or feeling").

END OF FOOTNOTES

Monday, May 7, 2007

You Can Help. Click Here.

www.GiveMeLiberty.orgwww.GiveMeLiberty.org
May 5, 2007

ATTENTION, PLEASE -- More!

Yesterday we requested that our supporters sign a Petition for Redress authored by a group of 9-11 widows known as the "Jersey Girls." (text below) They are seeking the release of several key documents containing information about what foreknowledge our government had about the 9-11 attacks.

We urge everyone to watch the video (free on Google) about the Jersey Girls efforts to uncover the truth. The video raises significant questions challenging the official explanation of the 9-11 attacks.

We also, again, strongly urge everyone to sign this important 9-11 Petition and pass word about the Petition to others.


(from 5-4-05:)

We need you to do two things today.

First, we need you to click here and enter your county and state in your WTP user profile. Please do so today. We will be conducting historically significant events on a regional basis for the balance of 2007. We know you will all want to participate. For the first time, we want to be able to contact you on a region-by-region basis. Thank you for your help.

PLEASE NOTE: Before updating your personal information, you may be requested to log on to the WTP web site. If you request your password via e-mail during that process, it may be delayed while our queue of tens of thousands of outgoing e-mails is being processed. Please do NOT contact our office. If a message confirming the e-mail has been sent, it will arrive pending outbound processing.

Second, we encourage you to click here and sign the Jersey Girls' Petition seeking the release of a number of important government documents related to our government's knowledge about the attacks of 9-11. Please do so today. For more information about the Jersey Girls and their Petition, you can read the article in the current issue of the Muckraker Report. On behalf of the Jersey Girls, we thank you for your consideration and assistance in this matter.

Stay well and stay vigilant,

Bob Schulz
Chairman
We The People Foundation

Our Home Page is www.GiveMeLiberty.org





Thursday, May 3, 2007

Click here to rate the debate.


http://www.msnbc.msn.com/id/3032553/ Go here to vote on the debate.




Dr. Paul did a great job on the debate at MSNBC. Even though Chris Mathews' focus was clearly on the few, Ron's answers were exactly as I expected. Clear to the point and right where I place my own values. Everyone else had something positive to offer but mostly the other 9 were just trying to sound good and be the right answers.

Tuesday, May 1, 2007

Who will stand with us, Who will stand with you, Who will stand with them?

The Revolution Has Started: Haman’s Gallows and the Mordecai Element



by Liz Michael
Copyright, 2004, LizMichael.com, www.lizmichael.com
Release date: June 2, 2004

Attention: all you jack booted thugs and various bureaucratic and judicial tyrants. American patriots are going to kill the lot of you.

"How dare she say that", some of you say. Am I some sort of wild-eyed radical? Well, frankly, yes. In the tradition of the greatest President this or any country on earth has ever had, Thomas Jefferson. The tree of liberty, he said, must be watered with the blood of patriots and tyrants. Inevitably, you will kill some of us. But don’t fret: it’s our job to supply the blood of tyrants, and we will make sure you are not left out.

And how are the patriots going to kill you? Are they going to do a Timothy McVeigh and blow up your buildings? Are they going to do a "Hitman Online" and assassinate you outside your home in front of your family? Are we going to storm your buildings and shoot you? Are we going to shoot you while you are sitting on the bench?

None of that is ideal. In fact, you would be lucky if it went down that way. Here is how it likely will go down. I call the operation: "Haman’s Gallows".

So you think that we patriots want to destroy that evidence of all your evildoing by blowing up your buildings? Don’t be silly. We want to capture every single shred of evidence of the tyranny intact. So we can indict the participants for corruption and treason. And for little things like "violating the civil rights" of citizens, which by the way, in and of itself, is currently a federal crime that can earn you ten years.

Let’s give an example. Start with the IRS. We probably will. The IRS has kept a thorough record of every taxpayer in the United States. It also has a record of every employee it ever had. And it has a record of every taxpayer it persecuted, and WHO persecuted him. The IRS is in a bad position, because most of what it does is of questionable legality and constitutionality. I mean, instead of a bureaucrat merely "assessing" a penalty for an inaccurate return, the IRS should be required to bring such a matter before a court. In fact, it is required to do so, constitutionally, just like any other creditor is required to do. But it seldom does. Also, since a tax return is required to be signed under penalty of perjury, it should therefore be inadmissible as evidence for anything under the fifth amendment, or contrarily, a citizen should be allowed to not file or not sign, under the guise of fifth amendment protections.

So what’s the big deal? Well, when you do something like that as part of the Mafia, it’s called extortion. But when you do it representing the United States, it is not only called extortion, it is called treason.

Bill Of Rights Enforcement

"As the highest law of the land, the Bill of Rights must be enforced. Any official, appointed or elected at any level of government and guilty of any violation of an individual's rights under the first ten Amendments, must be arrested, tried, and punished. The highest -- the only -- priority of public officials must be to enforce the Bill of Rights, and that's the only criterion by which they should be judged..."

Saturday, April 28, 2007

They are at it again, Create an emergency to force changes the fed wants.

Read all About it. Click above. http://www.worldnetdaily.com/news/article.asp?ARTICLE_ID=53350




http://www.zimbardo.com/current.html
How good people turn Evil. Excellent Book


Ever wonder how so many people can be so evil and so against our cause for freedom, especially those in power. The following is a great book for understanding how ordinary people can group together and become slave masters once the power begins to flow. As with Ed and
Elaine fighting the powers that be, anytime you put power to control in the hands of a few, it only leads to trouble for the rest. For the few dollars this book costs, the inspiration is huge.

Finding Hope in Knowing the Universal Capacity for Evil

"The Lucifer Effect, Understanding How good people turn evil.

http://www.zimbardo.com/current.html

Scenes from his 1971 study at Stanford University in which students were told to be prisoner or guard; the results were echoed at Abu Ghraib.

Dr. Zimbardo, a social psychologist and the past president of the American Psychological Association, has made his reputation studying how people disguise the good and bad in themselves and under what conditions either is expressed.

His Stanford Prison Experiment in 1971, known as the S.P.E. in social science textbooks, showed how anonymity, conformity and boredom can be used to induce sadistic behavior in otherwise wholesome students. More recently, Dr. Zimbardo, 74, has been studying
how policy decisions and individual choices led to abuse at the Abu Ghraib prison in Iraq. The road that took him from Stanford to

Abu Ghraib is described in his new book, “The Lucifer Effect: Understanding How Good People Turn Evil” (Random House).

“I’ve always been curious about the psychology of the person behind the mask,” Dr. Zimbardo said as he displayed his collection.

“When someone is anonymous, it opens the door to all kinds of antisocial behavior, as seen by the Ku Klux Klan.”

http://www.nytimes.com/2007
/04/03/science/
03conv.html?ex=1177905600
&en=432175515d001c47&ei=5070


Q. For those who never studied it in their freshman psychology class, can you describe the Stanford Prison Experiment?

A. In the summer of 1971, we set up a mock prison on the Stanford University campus. We took 23 volunteers and randomly divided
them into two groups. These were normal young men, students. We asked them to act as “prisoners” and “guards” might in a prison
environment. The experiment was to run for two weeks.

By the end of the first day, nothing much was happening. But on the second day, there was a prisoner rebellion. The guards came to me: “What do we do?”

“It’s your prison,” I said, warning them against physical violence. The guards then quickly moved to psychological punishment,
though there was physical abuse, too.

In the ensuing days, the guards became ever more sadistic, denying the prisoners food, water and sleep, shooting them with
fire-extinguisher spray, throwing their blankets into dirt, stripping them naked and dragging rebels across the yard.

How bad did it get? The guards ordered the prisoners to simulate sodomy. Why? Because the guards were bored. Boredom is a powerful
motive for evil. I have no idea how much worse things might have gotten.

Q. Why did you pull the plug on the experiment?

A. On the fifth night, my former graduate student Christina Maslach came by. She witnessed the guards putting bags over the

prisoners’ heads, chain their legs and march them around. Chris ran out in tears. “I’m not sure I want to have anything more to do

with you, if this is the sort of person you are,” she said. “It’s terrible what you’re doing to those boys.” I thought, “Oh my God,

she’s right.”

Q. What’s the difference between your study and the ones performed at Yale in 1961? There, social psychologist Stanley Milgram

ordered his subjects to give what they thought were painful and possibly lethal shocks to complete strangers. Most complied.

A. In a lot of ways, the studies are bookends in our understanding of evil. Milgram quantified the small steps that people take

when they do evil. He showed that an authority can command people to do things they believe they’d never do. I wanted to take that

further. Milgram’s study only looked at one aspect of behavior, obedience to authority, in short 50-minute takes. The S.P.E.,

because it was slated to go for two weeks, was almost like a forerunner of reality television. You could see behavior unfolding

hour by hour, day by day.

Here’s something that’s sort of funny. The first time I spoke publicly about the S.P.E., Stanley Milgram told me: “Your study is

going to take all the ethical heat off of my back. People are now going to say yours is the most unethical study ever, and not

mine.”

Q. From your book, I sense you feel some lingering guilt about organizing “the most unethical study” ever. Do you?

A. When I look back on it, I think, “Why didn’t you stop the cruelty earlier?” To stand back was contrary to my upbringing and

nature.

When I stood back as a noninterfering experimental scientist, I was, in a sense, as drawn into the power of the situation as any

prisoners and guards.

Q. What was your reaction when you first saw those photographs from Abu Ghraib?

A. I was shocked. But not surprised. I immediately flashed on similar pictures from the S.P.E. What particularly bothered me was

that the Pentagon blamed the whole thing on a “few bad apples.” I knew from our experiment, if you put good apples into a bad

situation, you’ll get bad apples.

That was why I was willing to be an expert witness for Sgt. Chip Frederick, who was ultimately sentenced to eight years for his

role at Abu Ghraib. Frederick was the Army reservist who was put in charge of the night shift at Tier 1A, where detainees were

abused. Frederick said, up front, “What I did was wrong, and I don’t understand why I did it.”

Q. Do you understand?

A. Yeah. The situation totally corrupted him. When his reserve unit was first assigned to guard Abu Ghraib, Frederick was exactly

like one of our nice young men in the S.P.E. Three months later, he was exactly like one of our worst guards.

Q. Aren’t you absolving Sergeant Frederick of personal responsibility for his actions?

A. You had the C.I.A., civilian interrogators, military intelligence saying to the Army reservists, “Soften these detainees up for

interrogation.”

Those kinds of vague orders were the equivalent of my saying to the S.P.E. guards, “It’s your prison.” At Abu Ghraib, you didn’t

have higher-ups saying, “You must do these terrible things.” The authorities, I believe, created an environment that gave guards

permission to become abusive — plus one that gave them plausible deniability.

Chip worked 40 days without a single break, 12-hour shifts. The place was overcrowded, filthy, dangerous, under constant

bombardment. All of that will distort judgment, moral reasoning. The bottom line: If you’re going to have a secret interrogation

center in the middle of a war zone, this is going to happen.

Q. You keep using this phrase “the situation” to describe the underlying cause of wrongdoing. What do you mean?

A. That human behavior is more influenced by things outside of us than inside. The “situation” is the external environment. The

inner environment is genes, moral history, religious training. There are times when external circumstances can overwhelm us, and we

do things we never thought. If you’re not aware that this can happen, you can be seduced by evil. We need inoculations against our

own potential for evil. We have to acknowledge it. Then we can change it.

Q. So you disagree with Anne Frank, who wrote in her diary, “I still believe, in spite of everything, that people are truly good at

heart?”

A. That’s not true. Some people can be made into monsters. And the people who abused, and killed her, were.

Friday, April 27, 2007

All the proof you need, Never overturned and sited by both sides to make their point?


U.S. Supreme Court

BRUSHABER v. UNION PACIFIC R. CO., 240 U.S. 1 (1916)

240 U.S. 1

FRANK R. BRUSHABER, Appt.,
v.
UNION PACIFIC RAILROAD COMPANY.
No. 140.

Argued October 14 and 15, 1915.
Decided January 24, 1916.

[240 U.S. 1, 2] Messrs. Julien T. Davies, Brainard Tolles, Garrard Glenn, and Martin A. Schenck for appellant.

Mr. Henry W. Clark for appellee.

[240 U.S. 1, 5] Solicitor General Davis, Assistant Attorney General Wallace, and Attorney General Gregory for the United States.

[240 U.S. 1, 9]

Mr. Chief Justic e White delivered the opinion of the court:

As a stockholder of the Union Pacific Railroad Company, the appellant filed his bill to enjoin the corporation from complying with the income tax provisions of the tariff act of October 3, 1913 ( II., chap. 16, 38 Stat. at L. 166). Because of constitutional questions duly arising the case is here on direct appeal from a decree sustaining a motion to dismiss because no ground for relief was stated.

The right to prevent the corporation from returning and paying the tax was based upon many averments as to the repugnancy of the statute to the Constitution of the United States, of the peculiar relation of the corporation to the stockholders, and their particular interests resulting from many of the administrative provisions of the assailed act, of the confusion, wrong, and multiplicity [240 U.S. 1, 10] of suits and the absence of all means of redress which would result if the corporation paid the tax and complied with the act in other respects without protest, as it was alleged it was its intention to do. To put out of the way a question of jurisdiction we at once say that in view of these averments and the ruling in Pollock v. Farmers' Loan & T. Co. 157 U.S. 429 , 39 L. ed. 759, 15 Sup. Ct. Rep. 673, sustaining the right of a stockholder to sue to restrain a corporation under proper averments from voluntarily paying a tax charged to be unconstitutional on the ground that to permit such a suit did not violate the prohibitions of 3224, Revised Statutes (Comp. Stat. 1913, 5947), against enjoining the enforcement of taxes, we are of opinion that the contention here made that there was no jurisdiction of the cause, since to entertain it would violate the provisions of the Revised Statutes referred to, is without merit. Before coming to dispose of the case on the merits, however, we observe that the defendant corporation having called the attention of the government to the pendency of the cause and the nature of the controversy and its unwillingness to voluntarily refuse to comply with the act assailed, the United States, as amicus curiae, has at bar been heard both orally and by brief for the purpose of sustaining the decree.

Aside from averments as to citizenship and residence, recitals as to the provisions of the statute, and statements as to the business of the corporation, contained in the first ten paragraphs of the bill, advanced to sustain jurisdiction, the bill alleged twenty-one constitutional objections specified in that number of paragraphs or subdivisions. As all the grounds assert a violation of the Constitution, it follows that, in a wide sense, they all charge a repugnancy of the statute to the 16th Amendment, under the more immediate sanction of which the statute was adopted.

The various propositions are so intermingled as to cause it to be difficult to classify them. We are of opinion, however, [240 U.S. 1, 11] that the confusion is not inherent, but rather arises from the conclusion that the 16th Amendment provides for a hitherto unknown power of taxation; that is, a power to levy an income tax which, although direct, should not be subject to the regulation of apportionment applicable to all other direct taxes. And the far-reaching effect of this erroneous assumption will be made clear by generalizing the many contentions advanced in argument to support it, as follows: (a) The Amendment authorizes only a particular character of direct tax without apportionment, and therefore if a tax is levied under its assumed authority which does not partake of the characteristics exacted by the Amendment, it is outside of the Amendment, and is void as a direct tax in the general constitutional sense because not apportioned. (b) As the Amendment authorizes a tax only upon incomes 'from whatever source derived,' the exclusion from taxation of some income of designated persons and classes is not authorized, and hence the constitutionality of the law must be tested by the general provisions of the Constitution as to taxation, and thus again the tax is void for want of apportionment. (c) As the right to tax 'incomes from whatever source derived' for which the Amendment provides must be considered as exacting intrinsic uniformity, therefore no tax comes under the authority of the Amendment not conforming to such standard, and hence all the provisions of the assailed statute must once more be tested solely under the general and pre-existing provisions of the Constitution, causing the statute again to be void in the absence of apportionment. (d) As the power conferred by the Amendment is new and prospective, the attempt in the statute to make its provisions retroactively apply is void because, so far as the retroactive period is concerned, it is governed by the pre-existing constitutional requirement as to apportionment.

But it clearly results that the proposition and the contentions [240 U.S. 1, 12] under it, if acceded to, would cause one provision of the Constitution to destroy another; that is, they would result in bringing the provisions of the Amendment exempting a direct tax from apportionment into irreconcilable conflict with the general requirement that all direct taxes be apportioned. Moreover, the tax authorized by the Amendment, being direct, would not come under the rule of uniformity applicable under the Constitution to other than direct taxes, and thus it would come to pass that the result of the Amendment would be to authorize a particular direct tax not subject either to apportionment or to the rule of geographical uniformity, thus giving power to impose a different tax in one state or states than was levied in another state or states. This result, instead of simplifying the situation and making clear the limitations on the taxing power, which obviously the Amendment must have been intended to accomplish, would create radical and destructive changes in our constitutional system and multiply confusion.

But let us by a demonstration of the error of the fundamental proposition as to the significance of the Amendment dispel the confusion necessarily arising from the arguments deduced from it. Before coming, however, to the text of the Amendment, to the end that its significance may be determined in the light of the previous legislative and judicial history of the subject with which the Amendment is concerned, and with a knowledge of the conditions which presumptively led up to its adoption, and hence of the purpose it was intended to accomplish, we make a brief statement on those subjects.

That the authority conferred upon Congress by 8 of article 1 'to lay and collect taxes, duties, imposts and excises' is exhaustive and embraces every conceivable power of taxation has never been questioned, or, if it has, has been so often authoritatively declared as to render it necessary only to state the doctrine. And it has also never [240 U.S. 1, 13] been questioned from the foundation, without stopping presently to determine under which of the separate headings the power was properly to be classed, that there was authority given, as the part was included in the whole, to lay and collect income taxes. Again, it has never moreover been questioned that the conceded complete and all-embracing taxing power was subject, so far as they were respectively applicable, to limitations resulting from the requirements of art. 1, 8, cl. 1, that 'all duties, imposts and excises shall be uniform throughout the United States,' and to the limitations of art I., 2, cl. 3, that 'direct taxes shall be apportioned among the several states,' and of art 1, 9, cl. 4, that 'no capitation, or other direct, tax shall be laid, unless in proportion to the census or enumeration hereinbefore directed to be taken.' In fact, the two great subdivisions embracing the complete and perfect delegation of the power to tax and the two correlated limitations as to such power were thus aptly stated by Mr. Chief Justice Fuller in Pollock v. Farmers' Loan & T. Co. 157 U. S. supra, at page 557: 'In the matter of taxation, the Constitution recognizes the two great classes of direct and indirect taxes, and lays down two rules by which their imposition must be governed, namely: The rule of apportionment as to direct taxes, and the rule of uniformity as to duties, imposts, and excises.' It is to be observed, however, as long ago pointed out in Veazie Bank v. Fenno, 8 Wall. 533, 541, 19 L. ed. 482, 485, that the requirements of apportionment as to one of the great classes and of uniformity as to the other class were not so much a limitation upon the complete and all-embracing authority to tax, but in their essence were simply regulations concerning the mode in which the plenary power was to be exerted. In the whole history of the government down to the time of the adoption of the 16th Amendment, leaving aside some conjectures expressed of the possibility of a tax lying intermediate between the two great classes and embraced [240 U.S. 1, 14] by neither, no question has been anywhere made as to the correctness of these propositions. At the very beginning, however, there arose differences of opinion concerning the criteria to be applied in determining in which of the two great subdivisions a tax would fall. Without pausing to state at length the basis of these differences and the consequences which arose from them, as the whole subject was elaborately reviewed in Pollock v. Farmers' Loan & T. Co. 157 U.S. 429 , 39 L. ed. 759, 15 Sup. Ct. Rep. 673, 158 U.S. 601 , 39 L. ed. 1108, 15 Sup. Ct. Rep. 912, we make a condensed statement which is in substance taken from what was said in that case. Early the differences were manifested in pressing on the one hand and opposing on the other, the passage of an act levying a tax without apportionment on carriages 'for the conveyance of persons,' and when such a tax was enacted the question of its repugnancy to the Constitution soon came to this court for determination. Hylton v. United States, 3 Dall. 171, 1 L. ed. 556. It was held that the tax came within the class of excises, duties, and imposts, and therefore did not require apportionment, and while this conclusion was agreed to by all the members of the court who took part in the decision of the case, there was not an exact coincidence in the reasoning by which the conclusion was sustained. Without stating the minor differences, it may be said with substantial accuracy that the divergent reasoning was this: On the one hand, that the tax was not in the class of direct taxes requiring apportionment, because it was not levied directly on property because of its ownership, but rather on its use, and was therefore an excise, duty, or impost; and on the other, that in any event the class of direct taxes included only taxes directly levied on real estate because of its ownership. Putting out of view the difference of reasoning which led to the concurrent conclusion in the Hylton Case, it is undoubted that it came to pass in legislative practice that the line of demarcation between the two great classes of direct taxes on the one hand and excises, duties, and [240 U.S. 1, 15] imposts on the other, which was exemplified by the ruling in that case, was accepted and acted upon. In the first place this is shown by the fact that wherever (and there were a number of cases of that kind) a tax was levied directly on real estate or slaves because of ownership, it was treated as coming within the direct class and apportionment was provided for, while no instance of apportionment as to any other kind of tax is afforded. Again the situation is aptly illustrated by the various acts taxing incomes derived from property of every kind and nature which were enacted beginning in 1861, and lasting during what may be termed the Civil War period. It is not disputable that these latter taxing laws were classed under the head of excises, duties, and imposts because it was assumed that they were of that character inasmuch as, although putting a tax burden on income of every kind, including that derived from property real or personal, they were not taxes directly on property because of its ownership. And this practical construction came in theory to be the accepted one, since it was adopted without dissent by the most eminent of the text writers. 1 Kent, Com. 254, 256; 1 Story, Const. 955; Cooley, Const. Lim. 5th ed. *480; Miller, Constitution, 237; Pom. Const. Law, 281; 1 Hare, Const. Law, 249, 250; Burroughs, Taxn. 502; Ordronaux, Constitutional Legislation, 225.

Upon the lapsing of a considerable period after the repeal of the income tax laws referred to, in 1894 [28 Stat. at L. 509, chap. 349], an act was passed laying a tax on incomes from all classes of property and other sources of revenue which was not apportioned, and which therefore was of course assumed to come within the classification of excises, duties, and imposts which were subject to the rule of uniformity, but not to the rule of apportionment. The constitutional validity of this law was challenged on the ground that it did not fall within the class of excises, duties, and imposts, [240 U.S. 1, 16] but was direct in the constitutional sense, and was therefore void for want of apportionment, and that question came to this court and was passed upon in Pollock v. Farmers' Loan & T. Co. 157 U.S. 429 , 39 L. ed. 759, 15 Sup. Ct. Rep. 673, 158 U.S. 601 , 39 L. ed. 1108, 15 Sup. Ct. Rep. 912. The court, fully recognizing in the passage which we have previously quoted the allembracing character of the two great classifications, including, on the one hand, direct taxes subject to apportionment, and on the other, excises, duties, and imposts subject to uniformity, held the law to be unconstitutional in substance for these reasons: Concluding that the classification of direct was adopted for the purpose of rendering it impossible to burden by taxation accumulations of property, real or personal, except subject to the regulation of apportionment, it was held that the duty existed to fix what was a direct tax in the constitutional sense so as to accomplish this purpose contemplated by the Constitution. ( 157 U.S. 581 .) Coming to consider the validity of the tax from this point of view, while not questioning at all that in common understanding it was direct merely on income and only indirect on property, it was held that, considering the substance of things, it was direct on property in a constitutional sense, since to burden an income by a tax was, from the point of substance, to burden the property from which the income was derived, and thus accomplish the very thing which the provision as to apportionment of direct taxes was adopted to prevent. As this conclusion but enforced a regulation as to the mode of exercising power under particular circumstances, it did not in any way dispute the all-embracing taxing authority possessed by Congress, including necessarily therein the power to impose income taxes if only they conformed to the constitutional regulations which were applicable to them. Moreover, in addition, the conclusion reached in the Pollock Case did not in any degree involve holding that income taxes generically and necessarily came within the class [240 U.S. 1, 17] of direct taxes on property, but, on the contrary, recognized the fact that taxation on income was in its nature an excise entitled to be enforced as such unless and until it was concluded that to enforce it would amount to accomplishing the result which the requirement as to apportionment of direct taxation was adopted to prevent, in which case the duty would arise to disregard form and consider substance alone, and hence subject the tax to the regulation as to apportionment which otherwise as an excise would not apply to it. Nothing could serve to make this clearer than to recall that in the Pollock Case, in so far as the law taxed incomes from other classes of property than real estate and invested personal property, that is, income from 'professions, trades, employments, or vocations' ( 158 U.S. 637 ), its validity was recognized; indeed, it was expressly declared that no dispute was made upon that subject, and attention was called to the fact that taxes on such income had been sustained as excise taxes in the past. Id. p. 635. The whole law was, however, declared unconstitutional on the ground that to permit it to thus operate would relieve real estate and invested personal property from taxation and 'would leave the burden of the tax to be borne by professions, trades, employments, or vacations; and in that way what was intended as a tax on capital would remain, in substance, a tax on occupations and labor' ( id. p. 637),-a result which, it was held, could not have been contemplated by Congress.

This is the text of the Amendment:

    'The Congress shall have power to lay and collect taxes on incomes, from whatever source derived, without apportionment among the several states, and without regard to any census or enumeration.'

It is clear on the face of this text that it does not purport to confer power to levy income taxes in a generic sense,-an authority already possessed and never questioned, [240 U.S. 1, 18] -or to limit and distinguish between one kind of income taxes and another, but that the whole purpose of the Amendment was to relieve all income taxes when imposed from apportionment from a consideration of the source whence the income was derived. Indeed, in the light of the history which we have given and of the decision in the Pollock Case, and the ground upon which the ruling in that case was based, there is no escape from the conclusion that the Amendment was drawn for the purpose of doing away for the future with the principle upon which the Pollock Case was decided; that is, of determining whether a tax on income was direct not by a consideration of the burden placed on the taxed income upon which it directly operated, but by taking into view the burden which resulted on the property from which the income was derived, since in express terms the Amendment provides that income taxes, from whatever source the income may be derived, shall not be subject to the regulation of apportionment. From this in substance it indisputably arises, first, that all the contentions which we have previously noticed concerning the assumed limitations to be implied from the language of the Amendment as to the nature and character of the income taxes which it authorizes find no support in the text and are in irreconcilable conflict with the very purpose which the Amendment was adopted to accomplish. Second, that the contention that the Amendment treats a tax on income as a direct tax although it is relieved from apportionment and is necessarily therefore not subject to the rule of uniformity as such rule only applies to taxes which are not direct, thus destroying the two great classifications which have been recognized and enforced from the beginning, is also wholly without foundation since the command of the Amendment that all income taxes shall not be subject to apportionment by a consideration of the sources from which the taxed income may be derived [240 U.S. 1, 19] forbids the application to such taxes of the rule applied in the Pollock Case by which alone such taxes were removed from the great class of excises, duties, and imposts subject to the rule of uniformity, and were placed under the other or direct class. This must be unless it can be said that although the Constitution, as a result of the Amendment, in express terms excludes the criterion of source of income, that criterion yet remains for the purpose of destroying the classifications of the Constitution by taking an excise out of the class to which it belongs and transferring it to a class in which it cannot be placed consistently with the requirements of the Constitution. Indeed, from another point of view, the Amendment demonstrates that no such purpose was intended, and on the contrary shows that it was drawn with the object of maintaining the limitations of the Constitution and harmonizing their operation. We say this because it is to be observed that although from the date of the Hylton Case, because of statements made in the opinions in that case, it had come to be accepted that direct taxes in the constitutional sense were confined to taxes levied directly on real estate because of its ownership, the Amendment contains nothing repudiation or challenging the ruling in the Pollock Case that the word 'direct' had a broader significance, since it embraced also taxes levied directly on personal property because of its ownership, and therefore the Amendment at least impliedly makes such wider significance a part of the Constitution,-a condition which clearly demonstrates that the purpose was not to change the existing interpretation except to the extent necessary to accomplish the result intended; that is, the prevention of the resort to the sources from which a taxed income was derived in order to cause a direct tax on the income to be a direct tax on the source itself, and thereby to take an income tax out of the class of excises, duties, and imposts, and place it in the class of direct taxes. [240 U.S. 1, 20] We come, then, to ascertain the merits of the many contentions made in the light of the Constitution as it now stands; that is to say, including within its terms the provisions of the 16th Amendment as correctly interpreted. We first dispose of two propositions assailing the validity of the statute on the one hand because of its repugnancy to the Constitution in other respects, and especially because its enactment was not authorized by the 16th Amendment.

The statute was enacted October 3, 1913, and provided for a general yearly income tax from December to December of each year. Exceptionally, however, it fixed a first period embracing only the time from March 1, to December 31, 1913, and this limited retroactivity is assailed as repugnant to the due process clause of the 5th Amendment, and as inconsistent with the 16th Amendment itself. But the date of the retroactivity did not extend beyond the time when the Amendment was operative, and there can be no dispute that there was power by virtue of the Amendment during that period to levy the tax, without apportionment, and so far as the limitations of the Constitution in other respects are concerned, the contention is not open, since in Stockdale v. Atlantic Ins. Co. 20 Wall. 323, 331, 22 L. ed. 348, 351, in sustaining a provision in a prior income tax law which was assailed because of its retroactive character, it was said:

    'The right of Congress to have imposed this tax by a new statute, although the measure of it was governed by the income of the past year, cannot be doubted; much less can it be doubted that it could impose such a tax on the income of the current year, though part of that year had elapsed when the statute was passed. The joint resolution of July 4th, 1864 [13 Stat. at L. 417], imposed a tax of 5 per cent upon all income of the previous year, although one tax on it had already been paid, and no one doubted the validity of the tax or attempted to resist it.' [240 U.S. 1, 21] The statute provides that the tax should not apply to enumerated organizations or corporations, such as labor, agricultural or horticultural organizations, mutual savings banks, etc., and the argument is that as the Amendment authorized a tax on incomes 'from whatever source derived,' by implication it excluded the power to make these exemptions. But this is only a form of expressing the erroneous contention as to the meaning of the Amendment, which we have already disposed of. And so far as this alleged illegality is based on other provisions of the Constitution, the contention is also not open, since it was expressly considered and disposed of in Flint v. Stone Tracy Co. 220 U.S. 108, 173 , 55 S. L. ed. 389, 422, 31 Sup. Ct. Rep. 342, Ann. Cas. 1912B, 1312

Without expressly stating all the other contentions, we summarize them to a degree adequate to enable us to typify and dispose of all of them.

1. The statute levies one tax called a normal tax on all incomes of individuals up to $20,000, and from that amount up, by gradations, a progressively increasing tax, called an additional tax, is imposed. No tax, however, is levied upon incomes of unmarried individuals amounting to $3, 000 or less, nor upon incomes of married persons amounting to $4,000 or less. The progressive tax and the exempted amounts, it is said, are based on wealth alone, and the tax is therefore repugnant to the due process clause of the 5th Amendment.

2. The act provides for collecting the tax at the source; that is, makes it the duty of corporations, etc., to retain and pay the sum of the tax on interest due on bonds and mortgages, unless the owner to whom the interest is payable gives a notice that he claims an exemption. This duty cast upon corporations, because of the cost to which they are subjected, is asserted to be repugnant to due process of law as a taking of their property without compensation, and we recapitulate various contentions as to discrimination against corporations and against individuals, [240 U.S. 1, 22] predicated on provisions of the act dealing with the subject.

(a) Corporations indebted upon coupon and registered bonds are discriminated against, since corporations not so indebted are relieved of any labor or expense involved in deducting and paying the taxes of individuals on the income derived from bonds.

(b) Of the class of corporations indebted as above stated, the law further discriminates against those which have assumed the payment of taxes on their bonds, since although some or all of their bondholders may be exempt from taxation, the corporations have no means of ascertaining such fact, and it would therefore result that taxes would often be paid by such corporations when no taxes were owing by the individuals to the government.

(c) The law discriminates against owners of corporate bonds in favor of individuals none of whose income is derived from such property, since bondholders are, during the interval between the deducting and the paying of the tax on their bonds, deprived of the use of the money so withheld.

(d) Again, corporate bondholders are discriminated against because the law does not release them from payment of taxes on their bonds even after the taxes have been deducted by the corporation, and therefore if, after deduction, the corporation should fail, the bondholders would be compelled to pay the tax a second time.

(e) Owners of bonds the taxes on which have been assumed by the corporation are discriminated against because the payment of the taxes by the corporation does not relieve the bondholders of their duty to include the income from such bonds in making a return of all income, the result being a double payment of the taxes, labor and expense in applying for a refund, and a deprivation of the use of the sum of the taxes during the interval which elapses before they are refunded. [240 U.S. 1, 23] 3. The provision limiting the amount of interest paid which may be deducted from gross income of corporations for the purpose of fixing the taxable income to interest on indebtedness not exceeding one half the sum of bonded indebtedness and paidup capital stock is also charged to be wanting in due process because discriminating between different classes of corporations and individuals.

4. It is urged that want of due process results from the provision allowing individuals to deduct from their gross income dividends paid them by corporations whose incomes are taxed, and not giving such right of deduction to corporations.

5. Want of due process is also asserted to result from the fact that the act allows a deduction of $3,000 or $4,000 to those who pay the normal tax, that is, whose incomes are $20,000 or less, and does not allow the deduction to those whose incomes are greater than $20,000; that is, such persons are not allowed, for the purpose of the additional or progressive tax, a second right to deduct the $3,000 or $4,000 which they have already enjoyed. And a further violation of due process is based on the fact that for the purpose of the additional tax no second right to deduct dividends received from corporations is permitted.

6. In various forms of statement, want of due process, it is moreover insisted, arises from the provisions of the act allowing a deduction for the purpose of ascertaining the taxable income of stated amounts, on the ground that the provisions discriminate between married and single people, and discriminate between husbands and wives who are living together and those who are not.

7. Discrimination and want of due process result, it is said, from the fact that the owners of houses in which they live are not compelled to estimate the rental value in making up their incomes, while those who are living in rented houses and pay rent are not allowed, in making up their taxable income, to deduct rent which they have [240 U.S. 1, 24] paid, and that want of due process also results from the fact that although family expenses are not, as a rule, permitted to be deducted from gross, to arrive at taxable, income, farmers are permitted to omit from their income return certain products of the farm which are susceptible of use by them for sustaining their families during the year.

So far as these numerous and minute, not to say in many respects hypercritical, contentions are based upon an assumed violation of the uniformity clause, their want of legal merit is at once apparent, since it is settled that that clause exacts only a geographical uniformity, and there is not a semblance of ground in any of the propositions for assuming that a violation of such uniformity is complained of. Knowlton v. Moore, 178 U.S. 41 , 44 L. ed. 969, 20 Sup. Ct. Rep. 747; Patton v. Brady, 184 U.S. 608, 622 , 46 S. L. ed. 713, 720, 22 Sup. Ct. Rep. 493; Flint v. Stone Tracy Co. 220 U.S. 107, 158 , 55 S. L. ed. 389, 416, 31 Sup. Ct. Rep. 342, Ann. Cas. 1912B, 1312; Billings v. United States, 232 U.S. 261, 282 , 58 S. L. ed. 596, 605, 34 Sup. Ct. Rep. 421.

So far as the due process clause of the 5th Amendment is relied upon, it suffices to say that there is no basis for such reliance, since it is equally well settled that such clause is not a limitation upon the taxing power conferred upon Congress by the Constitution; in other words, that the Constitution does not conflict with itself by conferring, upon the one hand, a taxing power, and taking the same power away, on the other, by the limitations of the due process clause. Treat v. White, 181 U.S. 264 , 45 L. ed. 853, 21 Sup. Ct. Rep. 611; Patton v. Brady, 184 U.S. 608 , 46 L. ed. 713, 22 Sup. Ct. Rep. 493; McCray v. United States, 195 U.S. 27, 61 , 49 S. L. ed. 78, 97, 24 Sup. Ct. Rep. 769, 1 Ann. Cas. 561; Flint v. Stone Tracy Co. 220 U.S. 107, 158 , 55 S. L. ed. 389, 416, 31 Sup. Ct. Rep. 342, Ann. Cas. 1912B, 1312; Billings v. United States, 232 U.S. 261, 282 , 58 S. L. ed. 596, 605, 34 Sup. Ct. Rep. 421. And no change in the situation here would arise even if it be conceded, as we think it must be, that this doctrine would have no application in a case where, although there was a seeming exercise of the taxing power, the act complained of was so arbitrary as to constrain to the conclusion that it was not the exertion of taxation, but a confiscation of property; that is, a taking [240 U.S. 1, 25] of the same in violation of the 5th Amendment; or, what is equivalent thereto, was so wanting in basis for classification as to produce such a gross and patent inequality as to inevitably lead to the same conclusion. We say this because none of the propositions relied upon in the remotest degree present such questions. It is true that it is elaborately insisted that although there be no express constitutional provision prohibiting it, the progressive feature of the tax causes it to transcend the conception of all taxation and to be a mere arbitrary abuse of power which must be treated as wanting in due process. But the proposition disregards the fact that in the very early history of the government a progressive tax was imposed by Congress, and that such authority was exerted in some, if not all, of the various income taxes enacted prior to 1894 to which we have previously adverted. And over and above all this the contention but disregards the further fact that its absolute want of foundation in reason was plainly pointed out in Knowlton v. Moore, 178 U.S. 41 , 44 L. ed. 969, 20 Sup. Ct. Rep. 747, and the right to urge it was necessarily foreclosed by the ruling in that case made. In this situation it is, of course, superfluous to say that arguments as to the expediency of levying such taxes, or of the economic mistake or wrong involved in their imposition, are beyond judicial cognizance. Besides this demonstration of the want of merit in the contention based upon the progressive feature of the tax, the error in the others is equally well established either by prior decisions or by the adequate bases for classification which are apparent on the face of the assailed provisions; that is, the distinction between individuals and corporations, the difference between various kinds of corporations, etc., etc. Ibid.; Flint v. Stone Tracy Co. 220 U.S. 107, 158 , 55 S. L. ed. 389, 416, 31 Sup. Ct. Rep. 342, Ann. Cas. 1912B, 1312; Billings v. United States, 232 U.S. 261, 282 , 58 S. L. ed. 596, 605, 34 Sup. Ct. Rep. 421; First Nat. Bank v. Kentucky, 9 Wall. 353, 19 L. ed. 701; National Safe Deposit Co. v. Stead, 232 U.S. 58, 70 , 58 S. L. ed. 504, 510, 34 Sup. Ct. Rep. 209. In fact, comprehensively surveying all the contentions [240 U.S. 1, 26] relied upon, aside from the erroneous construction of the Amendment which we have previously disposed of, we cannot escape the conclusion that they all rest upon the mistaken theory that although there be differences between the subjects taxed, to differently tax them transcends the limit of taxation and amounts to a want of due process, and that where a tax levied is believed by one who resists its enforcement to be wanting in wisdom and to operate injustice, from that fact in the nature of things there arises a want of due process of law and a resulting authority in the judiciary to exceed its powers and correct what is assumed to be mistaken or unwise exertions by the legislative authority of its lawful powers, even although there be no semblance of warrant in the Constitution for so doing.

We have not referred to a contention that because certain administrative powers to enforce the act were conferred by the statute upon the Secretary of the Treasury, therefore it was void as unwarrantedly delegating legislative authority, because we think to state the proposition is to answer it. Marshall Field & Co. v. Clark, 143 U.S. 649 , 36 L. ed. 294, 12 Sup. Ct. Rep. 495; Buttfield v. Stranahan, 192 U.S. 470, 496 , 48 S. L. ed. 525, 535, 24 Sup. Ct. Rep. 349; Oceanic Steam Nav. Co. v. Stranahan, 214 U.S. 320 , 53 L. ed. 1013, 29 Sup. Ct. Rep. 671.

AFFIRMED.

Mr. Justice McReynolds took no part in the consideration and decision of this case.